How Khaleda Zia’s death and Rahman’s return may impact Bangladesh’s polls

The demise of Khaleda Zia (1945-2025) puts an end to a significant phase in Bangladesh’s political landscape, given her impactful tenure as a stateswoman. Her leadership has been characterised by both achievements and failures, but on the whole, she never fled from the scene but always showed resilience, thereby navigating the nation through various critical junctures marked mostly by the rivalry of her party with the Awami League that at times paralysed democratic governance. The vacuum created by her absence is therefore likely to be profound, particularly at a time when Bangladesh is in dire need of a veteran and seasoned statesman to steer clear of a complex array of internal and external challenges.

One critical aspect of the current situation is the alleged presence of fundamentalist elements and external instigation from entities such as Pakistan’s ISI and Chinese agents. Such influences, if they remain unchecked, could further destabilise an already fragile political environment and potentially mislead an interim government. This external interference, in which American involvement is also being talked about by think tanks and social media platforms, coupled with an economy reportedly in shambles, presents a formidable challenge to the nation’s run-up to the election in February 2026 as a key factor for stability and restoration and reconstruction endeavours. The economic distress, often a catalyst for wide social unrest, could trigger further violence out of mounting tensions and make the task of governance even more arduous.

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While the immediate aftermath of her passing might not be a time for lamentation, the memory of Khaleda Zia’s statesmanship in handling critical issues might offer insights for future leadership. Although there’s no gainsaying about her ability to steer the country through turbulent periods, the BNP led by Begum Zia couldn’t stem the issue of mounting corruption, which is perceived by the civil society as one of the key factors responsible for defeating its governance.

Finally, the return of her son Tareque Rahman in December 2025, from self-imposed exile, and his call for a “new Bangladesh” following the “July rebellion” at the climax of month-long student-youth protests, introduce new dynamics with which we in India are not very familiar. Nevertheless, this political transformation can be said to reverberate his mother’s aspirations and suggests a potential continuation of her political legacy, albeit with a tinge of radical orientation.

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However, the intensifying shadow of crises within Bangladesh, encompassing political, economic, and social dimensions, plus the impact of damage during past months has assumed such a humongous and vicious form that it seems highly impossible to reverse the rot overnight unless authentic initiatives towards a positive shift to cleanse and reform politics are taken in right earnest. Yet, the success of such a shift will depend heavily on the ability of new leadership to address the deep-seated issues and unite a fractured populace who are reeling desperately under inflation, insecurity, and minority bashing, to speak a few. Moreover, toxic anti-India rhetoric is now a leitmotif of political rebranding in Bangladesh. The interplay of these factors suggests a period of considerable uncertainty that looms large as a grave risk stymieing potential transformation in Bangladesh.

Furthermore, in this turbulent, unstable, and chaotic situation, Bangladesh appears to be counting down the days, waiting for the sun to rise after a dense, dark, and cloudy period. The next general election in Bangladesh is likely to be held on February 12, and until that election takes place, it remains difficult to clearly discern the country’s political trajectory. Much like vultures and kites circling high in the sky in anticipation of the right moment, Bangladesh’s political bigwigs are also waiting for an opportune time to deliver a decisive checkmate.

Finally, the recent passing of former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has rung alarm bells in Bangladesh, highlighting the relentless lust for power and the intensifying struggle for political control. However, amid this scramble for power, a fundamental question is being overlooked and is gradually fading from public discourse: what will be the future of the minority Hindu community in Bangladesh, and how secure will their lives be? To borrow from the ideas of the Italian political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli, is there any “Prince” in Bangladesh who will step forward to protect minority Hindus and chart a new path toward liberation from the clutches of religious extremism for the ordinary people of Bangladesh during this critical juncture?

(Gouri Sankar Nag is Professor and Head, Department of Political Science, Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University, West Bengal. Ajay Majumder is an Independent Researcher and former Guest Faculty in Political Science, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Mahatma Gandhi Chitrakoot Gramodaya Vishwavidyalaya, Madhya Pradesh. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)