Why Centre must ensure unity among different Naga tribal factions before embarking on permanent peace mission

Although the “unique history” of the Naga people is now more or less an established fact, certain observers of the Naga movement seem to be of the opinion that tribalism continues to characterise Naga society. It is sometime wondered as to whether there is a single common thread that binds all the tribes that dot the landscape that encompasses present-day Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and even the tracts of Myanmar.

Bertil Lintner, the celebrated journalist, once told this author that there were Nagas, the Rangpang Nagas, all the way to the west of the Chindwin River and close to Taga. Of course, the fact that there continues to be confusion about the territorial confines that would include NSCN (IM) if and when it comes into a comprehensive agreement with New Delhi is a matter that cannot be solved in a hurry—the manner in which the community criss-crosses and overlaps over India and Myanmar is a serious issue. New Delhi and even the Nagas have to cobble out a way of out the predicament. For instance, there is a sizeable Tangkhul Naga population in Myanmar’s Somra Tracts. This author had earlier queried as to whether such a grouping would enter into a dialogue process which would be signed with Camp Hebron.

However, it would be unfair to state that there has been no attempt to unify all the tribes. There have been untiring efforts by the civil society in Nagaland to unite the tribes. It has succeeded in some measure too. This author is reminded of an exquisite work by Akup Buchemhu’s when the latter wove together the shawls of 17 Naga tribes (Ao, Angami, Chang, Chakhesang, Konyak, Khiamniungam, Kachari, Lotha, Mao, Phom, Pochury, Rengma, Sumi, Sangtam, Tangkhul, Yimchnuger and Zeliang) and titled it “Together”. Indeed, this author got in touch with Buchemhu and sought his permission to use the artwork as a background motif when he put on a webinar “Rebuilding Trust in the Indo-Naga Peace Process” on 19 March 2022 which was attended by GK Pillai, Lt Gen (Dr) K Himalay Singh and this author. Dr Alex Waterman from the United Kingdom anchored and ably contributed to the webinar.

Therefore, had been not for the efforts of the civil society of Nagaland, factionalism and fratricidal battle—that had characterised Naga groups for years—would have torn the fragile Naga polity apart. Indeed, it would have graduated into a bitter and full-blown civil war. The dialogue process with New Delhi would have been set on the back burner and despite the peace dividend holding together the fragile peace there was a possibility that the ceasefire could have been terminated.

After all, tribalism among the Nagas has come to the fore on a number of occasions. There is enmity between Tangkhul Nagas of Manipur and other tribes that inhabit the present day Nagaland and at times questions have been asked whether the much sought for Greater Nagalim is a common demand of all Nagas. Indeed, the bane of Naga society has been the fractured nature of its polity, a pestilence that seems to surface whenever advancement is made on the unification front, lending credence to the theory that spoiling efforts thrive whenever news of progress on the Naga dialogue front is made public.

It must be comprehended that the ceasefire with both factions of NSCN came about primarily as a result of in-camera parleys. But, the developments that have taken place post-ceasefire have been in public gaze, leading not only to states like Manipur vehemently protesting the manner in which the entire Naga peace process is being handled, but also alienation of groups within the factions as well. Therefore even as the growing influence of Tangkhuls inside NSCN (IM) is being resented by other tribes in the organisation (primarily because of the fact that they are Nagas of Manipur), NSCN (IM) communiqués have been accusing the Khaplang faction of joining hands with the Indian security forces in Arunachal Pradesh’s Changlang district. Indeed, NSCN (K)—in its variegated avatars—and NSCN (IM) are engaged in a bitter turf war in Tirap and Changlang.

Naya and Purana parties, as NSCN (IM) and NSCN (K) are known as in the two districts of eastern Arunachal Pradesh, have not only sought to wrest land and legitimacy in the strategically positioned area, but have also intermittently supported and opposed political forces in the two districts by way of influencing the legislators of Tirap and Changlang.

It would interest the readers that in the contested narrative of tribalism an episode that came to fore in 2015 pertains to the manner in which the Tangkhul Naga leadership sought to inform its parish that NSCN (IM) is not just a Tangkhul formation. It is reported that the signature on the Framework Agreement of 2015 of the late president of NSCN (IM), Isaac Chisi Swu was reportedly and hurriedly taken on his death bed only to ascertain that there is all inclusiveness in NSCN (IM). Swu was after all a Sumi Naga.

The fissures that exist in Naga society could, therefore, willy-nilly come to the fore when the present talks move from dialogue towards reconciliation. The greater Naga society that comprises the Naga inhabited areas in neighbouring states will also have an important bearing not only on the reconciliation process, but also on the dialogue process with New Delhi.

It would be recalled that on 23 November 2007 a Kilo Kilonser (home minister), Azheto Chophy had walked out of NSCN (IM) with loyalists comprising mainly of cadres belonging to the Sema tribe inside NSCN (IM) in order to form a separate organisation, NSCN (Unification). The revolt by the Sema cadres revealed the schism that characterises both Naga society and polity, particularly between the Semas and the Tangkhuls.

Semas have often complained that preferential treatment is given to Tangkhuls in the organisation. Presently, over 70 per cent of cadres in NSCN (IM) are Tangkhuls from Ukhrul in Manipur. Incidentally, one of the reasons for NSCN (Unification)’s closeness to NSCN (K) is the predominance of Semas in both organisations.

But, public opinion inside Nagaland is a conscious entity, and it is this constituency that has realised the danger of dissonance in the polity and has opposed any move that would derail the unity effort. It is, therefore, once again pressuring the groups to bury hatchets and work out a “common Naga agenda.” But tribalism of one form or the other continues to bedevil Naga society. Conflict would not only lead to a delay in the reconciliation process, but would permit the entry of spoilers and further division and suspicion among the Nagas.

New Delhi must realise that its interests lies in cobbling a reconciliation process in Nagaland, and in the ability to showcase to the world that its outlook and disposition towards the periphery are righteous. It must also, for once, desist from using its long tested “Kautilyan stratagem” of Bhed (Division) so that short term gains are achieved. The memories of past failed accords must be brought to the forefront and steps taken at course correction.

Moreover, the entry of foreign NGOs and peace brokers could imperil the frontiers and could set the stage for upheaval. This must be avoided at all cost. New Delhi has appointed an Interlocutor and reports have suggested that correct steps are finally being taken by AK Mishra. One of the aspects that must be immediately looked into is the need to take appropriate steps to pressure all groups in Nagaland and Manipur to desist from action that would be unfavourable to the reconciliation process.

Indeed, New Delhi must midwife a suitable covenant of reconciliation between NSCN (IM), NSCN (K), the other factions as also their respective parishes and aid bring about an accord so that a united voice can represent the Nagas in what could be the first step towards genuine federalism in India.

The writer is a conflict theorist and author. Views exessed are personal.

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