The dragon is expanding its tentacles in the Sahel; the world must support India

The Sahel, Africa’s vast semi-arid region separating the Sahara Desert to the north and tropical savannas to the south, extends by the Red Sea from the west coast to the east coast. It is a land full of possibilities as well as complexities. Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Chad, Sudan and Senegal are all part of the Sahel region. The region is rich in mineral resources including bauxite, manganese, phosphates, iron ore, gold and petroleum. Nonetheless, the Sahel is currently one of the world’s poorest regions today. Poor governance, corruption, and violent extremism are some of the major reasons why the region has not been able to fully leverage its natural resources. The developed world, particularly ex-colonisers, has also played a role in keeping the region’s countries perpetually poor. For example, uranium, a critical component in the production of nuclear energy, is abundant in Niger. Despite having the fourth-largest global uranium stockpile, it lacks a nuclear power plant to generate nuclear energy. On the other hand, the French state-owned company Areva continues to use it to generate electricity for the country. While Niger’s uranium powers the Eiffel Tower and one-third of French households, the people of Niger stay in the dark, suffering from chronic hunger and malnutrition. The anguish doesn’t cease there. Large number of poor Nigerien kids is constantly exposed to uranium as a result of large-scale uranium mining, putting their own lives in danger. There have been cases of children being born with four legs and four eyes, no eyes, or an enlarged head. Villagers sought spiritual interventions in response to the high rate of death, miscarriage, and deformed babies. Regrettably, uranium accounts for roughly 70 per cent of Niger’s exports but only accounts for 5 per cent of the country’s GDP. Unable to detect the reason of high rate of death, miscarriage, and deformed babies, villagers often sought spiritual interventions. As a result, while Areva earns billions from uranium mining, Niger has seen little profit, and this comes at the expense of ever-increasing pollution and health problems among local communities. Droughts are a recurring feature of the region, as is an increase in conflict over depleted resources such as water and pasture. Three Sahel countries, Mali, Burkina Faso and Chad have experienced coups in the last two years. And Mali has had two coups in two years. The rise of transnational criminal organisations, as well as the rapid rise of Islamist extremist groups and movements, is constantly fuelling the conflict. Terrorist groups have plagued Sub-Saharan nations, not only destabilising mostly Western-style democracies, but also revealing a vast area for involvement in Sahel security. Furthermore, it has resulted in a massive loss of human life. Geopolitically, it is a crowded and complex region. It is a congested zone from a geopolitical standpoint. Security and development initiatives involve more than seven nations, and there are numerous distinct international military missions. France is the region’s most powerful entity, followed by the United States. Russia recently entered the region via Wagner, a private military firm. Turkey is another major player in the Sahel looking to capitalise on the situation. Last but not least, despite increasing its involvement in the Sahel, China still maintains a comparatively low-key policy in the region. China’s resource interest in the region Chad’s most valuable export is crude oil, which it sells primarily to China. Since 2003, the China National Petroleum Company has managed the oil production in Chad. Furthermore, the region contains significant amounts of uranium, particularly in Niger. China has made substantial investments in the oil industry in Niger alone. China is constructing a crude oil pipeline connecting the Agadem Rift Basin oilfield in Niger to the Sèmè-Kraké port in Benin. China is also launching a number of uranium extraction-related construction projects. For example, the China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC) and the Niger government are working together to operate the Azelik mine. The Goulamina mine in Mali is one of the world’s largest spodumene resources and it is 50 per cent owned by China’s Ganfeng Lithium. Mali is also rich in gold, iron ore, phosphates, uranium, manganese, and bauxite. As part of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in 2021, China provided Mali with 60 million Yuan (more than $9 million) in supplies, including weapons, ammunition, trucks, transport equipment and security. Mauritania is another important country in the region. China’s interest in Mauritania’s fish, mineral, and energy resources is growing. Poly Hong Dong Fishery Company, accused of depleting local fish populations, operates a $200 million fishing facility in Nouadhibou. Mauritania received 500,000 Sinopharm vaccines in March, followed by a second shipment in May. Burkina Faso renounced its recognition of Taiwan and established diplomatic relations with China in 2018. Following that, Wang Yi travelled to Burkina Faso in 2019, depicting the strength of chequebook diplomacy. During the COVID-19 epidemic, China increased its influence in the region through the so-called Health Silk Road and its mask and vaccine diplomacy, providing 400,000 doses of the Sinopharm vaccine to Niger. China’s growing engagement in the region China maintains a low profile in the Sahel. Its primary concern is the protection of millions of Chinese citizens living and working in the region, as well as the protection of its investments (such as BRI access points). For the time being, China’s primary focus in the region seems to be trade. Meanwhile, China is associated in International Community-supported initiatives such as MINUSMA. Despite massive expenditure and an increasing number of Chinese citizens facing security risks, Chinese policymakers have been keen to maintain a restricted military presence. The recent appointment of China’s first special ambassador to the Horn of Africa, however, indicates a shift in China’s approach to African policy. And, given China’s interest in a variety of strategic resource acquisitions in the region, in the coming days, China is likely to participate in the region’s security more directly. The Eighth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was held in Dakar, Senegal, on 29-30 November 2021 where China expressed its desire to participate in the Sahel conflict resolution process. If China succeeds in controlling the conflict in the region, it will undoubtedly raise China’s profile as a peace and security provider for the Sahel. And China is up to the task, as President Xi Jinping demonstrated in his FOCAC speech by announcing ten new peace and security initiatives for the region. This is in addition to China’s ongoing military assistance to the African Union (AU). Furthermore, China promised to assist African nations in their efforts to independently maintain regional security and combat terrorism and hold joint peacekeeping exercises. China is also actively supporting G5 Sahel security and counterterrorism operations, collaborating with Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger, and providing $45.56 million in financial support to their Joint Forces and $1.5 million for permanent secretariat operations in 2019. Thus, within a decade, China has assumed a significant role in the region’s security. India’s interest in the region This resource-rich region is critical to India’s energy security. Around 20 per cent of the crude oil purchased by India comes from Africa, and roughly half of that oil is produced there. Nigeria is Africa’s largest oil supplier to India. India first took an interest in Nigerian oil in 2001, and now it imports more Nigerian oil than the United States. In addition to Nigeria, India is considering energy diplomacy with Ghana and Niger. India requires uranium in order to increase its nuclear energy production capacity. India currently sources uranium fuel from Russia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, France and Canada. In the future, India intends to buy 100 tonnes of uranium in FY23 to boost its nuclear power plants. Niger, with its abundant supply of Uranium, would be an ideal country for India to further its nuclear ambitions. Lithium, a critical component in battery production, is plentiful in Mali. As India gradually transitions to electric vehicles, securing a consistent source of lithium is critical to advancing its green industry without relying on imports. It is critical that India prioritise trade in this region, particularly resource-based trade. Why the World must support India China’s “chequebook diplomacy” is clearly succeeding in the Sahel and defeating India in another African region. China’s increasing power and influence in the Sahel region, a considerable mineral resource hotspot that was once deemed France’s domain, has restructured the region’s geopolitics, and the Sahel has become the stage for a “New Great Game.” The end of France’s military presence in Mali has significantly reduced France’s role as a geopolitical counterweight to China and Russia. However, against the backdrop of the Ukraine crisis and a series of Russian army defeats, China gained a clear advantage over Russia. China has little military experience in Africa as of yet. It still lacks robust expeditionary capabilities abroad. China is focusing on peacekeeping missions to acquire knowledge on the ground. Beijing, without a doubt, has a lot riding on the region’s stability because it wants to stay and play a much larger role. As China’s stature in the region expands, the US and the rest of the West will face challenges. The US and its allies have long sought India’s assistance in confronting China. India, still, may not be at par with China with regard to military and economic power. This is probably the reason India going soft on China, in that region. The international community should support India to become more active in the region and to continue to provide a democratic counterbalance to China. The author is a Senior Research Associate with the Vivekananda International Foundation and doctoral scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University. Views expressed are personal. 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