Answering a call for assistance Beijing, on 18 May the Indian Navy too responded to a multinational rescue-effort that had identified the location of the distressed Chinese fishing vessel, Lu Peng Yuan Yu, which eventually capsized in the Indian Ocean. Response to the call for assistance can be seen as yet another instance of maintaining ‘good order at sea’. It includes coastal states extending aid and assistance to men at sea that will facilitate the continuance of maritime activity like shipping and fishers within a safe and secure environment. Good order at sea is the order of the day as the sea has come to become the highway that sustains the global economy. However, the Lu Peng Yuan Yu incident merits a closer relook as this incident carries with it a number of security and geo-strategic implications. Are the waters calm? Lu Peng Yuan Yu had gone down with a crew of 39 hailing from China, Indonesia and Philippines. The call for assistance was answered by a number of nations even when China had redirected its own commercial vessels, Lu Peng Yuan Yu 018 and Yuan Fu Hai for search and rescue operations. The fishing boat, a long-liner also known as a distant-water or deep-sea fishing vessel is located to have gone down south Maldives and about 267 nautical miles from the US military facility in Diego Garcia. This maritime space, apart from its aquatic abundance, is also a critical sea lane of communication (SLOC) in the Indian Ocean. Thus far, there are no proper global regulations barring a few specific norms with respect to fishing in the high seas, such as those relating to a ban on whaling. The existing norms that regulate fishing in the oceans of the world are largely limited to such measures that have been brought about by individual nations and these are limited to their respective territorial waters and exclusive economic zones (EEZ). In the high seas, the absence of such regulations, similar to those in territorial waters and EEZ, come with its own set of negative consequences. These are broadly identified with their impact on marine ecology and eco-system. As a fall-out of such fishing earlier in this century a multinational operation against piracy was launched on the coast of Somalia, that impinged on the navigation of commercial vessels on the better part of the Western India Ocean region. The genesis of the Somalian piracy partly was a reaction to the loss of fishing grounds to international players from across the globe. And for these fishermen, piracy can as a lucrative livelihood alternative. Chinese fishing fleet, which is mostly state-owned, has been used as a ‘fifth column’ of the state. Also known as China’s ‘maritime militia’, it has been actively deployed in disputed waters on multiple occasions, both in the South China Sea and East China Sea. The aim was to assert Beijing’s dubious maritime claims and also to harass vessels of other nations in the region. Such acts of harassment, including aggressive manoeuvring at sea and ramming into other vessels with the intent to damage them if not sink them, are not uncommon. An additional concern lies in the blurring nature of Chinese investments on civilian shipping, research, and port development. They have a direct or not-so-direct linkage to the nation’s growing maritime footprint and the subsequent security and strategic implications for a number of nations. All at sea In simple terms, Lu Peng Yuan Yu can be seen as a nothing more than a regular fishing boat plying its trade in the high seas of the Indian Ocean. The unfortunate incident, or accident, owes to bad weather, a not-so-very uncommon occurrence. The accident occurred along the Laccadive Island Chain between Maldives and Diego Garcia, along the existing sea lanes of communication, which anyway see significant traffic in the Indian Ocean. Yet, this incident should be a wake-up call for all nations that are in favour of a rule-based global order. With specific reference to the Indo-Pacific region, this incident is a shout-out for greater cooperation and coordination between nations for maintaining good order at sea. This aspect involves greater maritime domain awareness (MDA) which includes initiatives like white shipping agreements, radar, and other monitoring stations in critical locations and such. The need for such an initiative, especially for the littorals of the Indian Ocean owes to the fact that China has depleted much of its marine fish-stock closer to home and has resorts to over-exploitation in other waters, be it in distant Africa or South America. This has a direct impact on the livelihood of the local fishers and also raises larger question about marine ecology. With the increasing footprint of the Chinese fishing fleet, there is a pressing need to maintain a close watch on the same, especially in present turbulent times. The notion of China using its fishing fleet as an instrument of cohesive statecraft in distant waters cannot be discounted. For India, the Chinese fishing fleet adds another dimension to its contestation with Beijing. Apart from the periodic stand-off and occasional clashes mostly limited to the Himalayan frontier, New Delhi would also have to be prepared to play this game of shadow boxing in the waters of the Indian Ocean. This development also comes at a time when China’s shadow-boxing or salami-slicing tactics have already reached new heights in the form of a so-called observatory balloon ‘drifting’ through continental US earlier in the year. The balloon episode thus far has not been a cause for critical concern. However, both the balloon and Lu Peng Yuan Yu incident should not be seen in isolation but as possible operationalisation of new theatres as a part of China’s asymmetric strategy for the future. The author is a New Delhi-based security and foreign policy analyst. Views expressed are personal. Read all the Latest News , Trending News , Cricket News , Bollywood News , India News and Entertainment News here. Follow us on Facebook , Twitter and Instagram .
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