One of the most popular comments circulating on social media in Pakistan aptly describes what is happening in our neighbourhood, especially in context of Pakistan’s much touted Defence Day celebrations: “Hum hai Pakistani Fauj, kabhi koi ladai jeeti nahi aur kabhi koi election haare nahi (we are Pakistan’s armed forces, we have never won a war and never lost an election)”. However, paradoxically, if you ask any common Pakistani about Pakistan’s Defence Day celebration you are likely to get this standard reply: “Every year on 6th September, Pakistan celebrates its Defence Day to commemorate the sacrifices of Pakistani soldiers who laid down their life to defend their territory against belligerent Indian Army attack.” Every citizen of Pakistan has been made to hear, assimilate and repeat this narrative about the fictitious ‘bravery’ of Pakistan’s armed forces during India-Pakistan war in 1965. The facts are quite contrary to this fake narrative fed to the people of Pakistan by its armed forces. There is ample evidence to show that it was Pakistan who initiated the war against India in 1965 and was defeated comprehensively by Indian armed forces. In 1965 Pakistan was under the dictatorship of Muhammad Ayub Khan, former chief of the Pakistan Army who had seized power in a military coup in 1958. Khan had dumped his benefactor General Iskander Mirza within days of being appointed prime minister by Mirza. Mirza was forced to go into exile in London where he lived a miserable life, courtesy Ayub Khan’s dictatorship. Ayub Khan himself was deposed by Yahya Khan, another army General. The tradition of seizing political power through coups has not only continued but it has become an intrinsic part of the body politic of this failed state. Incidentally, the 1960s was the time when large inflows of foreign aid and investment had made Pakistan the fastest growing economy in South Asia while the Indian economy was struggling and the nation was recovering from the 1962 Sino-Indian war debacle. Taking advantage of the favourable geopolitical situation and undermining India’s potential to retaliate, Pakistan sent more than seven thousand ‘mujahids’ in Kashmir Valley to incite civil unrest. This incursion happened on 5 August, 1965. They had named this offensive as “Operation Gibraltar” referring to the conquest of Spain by the Umayyad Caliphate in 711 AD which subdued Iberian Peninsula (modern day Spain and Portugal) under the rule of Moorish Muslims for next 800 years. However, the covert operation failed as the Pakistani infiltrators got detected early and common people of Jammu and Kashmir refused to get influenced by these Mujahids. Sensing the failure of this grand plan, Ayub Khan launched on 1 September, 1965, a full-scale land offensive named “Operation Grand Slam” against Indian armed forces deployed in Akhnoor sector. Indian armed forces immediately went on counter offensive inside Pakistan’s Sialkot sector threatening both Sialkot and Lahore. The war finally ended with a ceasefire declaration on 21 September, 1965. What is noteworthy of the India-Pakistan 1965 war is that till the outbreak of war, Pakistan had received generous US military aid worth $4,287.15 million (out of financial assistance of $15,427 million between 1950 and 1965) in the form of formidable Patton tanks and Starfighter Jets. In conventional terms Pakistan’s armed forces had distinct qualitative and quantitative advantages over India’s armed forces. Pakistan also had the ‘first mover’ advantage as it had started the war at a pre-planned place and time. Despite all these advantages, Pakistan’s armed forces failed miserably to achieve their final objective to sever Jammu and Kashmir from India. The impact of this defeat has been devastating on Pakistan, said Ishtiaq Ahmed, eminent Swedish political scientist and author of Pakistani descent, during his interview with Deccan Herald, on 2 July, 2023. When he was asked what in his opinion is the biggest mistake Pakistan committed post-Partition? He replied, “I think the 1965 war with India was in some ways responsible for what Pakistan is today. Soon after partition, the US and World Bank invested heavily there, which helped the country achieve a certain degree of progress. But post 1965 war with India, investment slowed down drastically. From then on, Pakistan was never able to recover economically. The textile industry, which was once flourishing, has now shifted to Bangladesh, where cotton is not even grown. Presently, the Pakistani economy is so bad that it cannot even raise a billion dollars to manage loans. It’s a failing state.” Recently, on 1 August, during inaugural session of Pakistan Mineral Summit in Islamabad the former Prime Minister of Pakistan Shehbaz Sharif had admitted that the wars fought by Pakistan with India in last 75 years, have only resulted in increased poverty, unemployment, and lack of resources to finance education, health and well-being of Pakistani people. The statement delivered by Sharif in the presence of Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir says a lot if analysed carefully. Why does Pakistan celebrate ‘Defence Day’ on 6 September every year? The answer lies in the need to build a positive narrative by the Pakistan Army which is “the most powerful deep state” within Pakistan. So, instead of telling common citizens about the defeat, Pakistan’s armed forces rake up nationalism by manipulating the deaths of its soldiers in a battle where they were made to die as sacrificial lambs by its Generals. These fake celebrations are being carried out every year as a smokescreen to hide the blunders of Pak Generals by evoking sentiments of common people terming these deaths as ‘sacrifices’. To run away from the facts by creating a false narrative is a permanent pattern of Pakistan’s deep state. Pakistan suffered a crushing defeat in 1971 in the Bangladesh Liberation War. On 16 December, 1971, Pakistan Army surrendered to the Indian Army in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). How can one erase history of such absolute defeat and humiliation? Pakistan’s armed forces have an answer to this. They do it by creating false narratives. So, instead of recounting and recalling this defeat on 16 December every year, mass campaigns are run by Pakistan Army sponsored handlers on the tragic attack on Army Public School that took place at Peshawar in 2014 and shook the whole Pakistan. It is a tactful attempt to replace the history of failure with a narrative of a human tragedy. This ‘well-fed army of invisible army of ‘narrative builders’ works in close coordination with the Pakistan Army to erase every trace of its failure while capitalising on the emotions of its citizens. Hence, it is crucial for Pakistan’s armed forces to keep celebrating its ‘Defence Day’ with great pomp and zeal so that the common Pakistani don’t question their competence. But lately things are changing for the Pakistan Army as it has started facing questions of accountability and there is growing resistance from common people especially during the past one and half year. The 9 May incident of burning down Lahore Corps Commander’s house is an indication of how its own masses look at its army. There has been a manifold increase in violent attacks on Pakistan Army by Pashtuns of KPK, Balochis of Baluchistan and Sindhudesh forces of Sindh province have increased manifolds. As per the data compiled by Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS), there were 99 attacks across Pakistan targeting Pakistan forces in the month of August 2023 alone. It appears that the Pakistani masses had enough military intervention in domestic issues and the ‘Perception Management’ of the Pakistan Army is gradually losing its sheen. There is visible anger in the Pakistani masses against the absolute power wielded by the Pakistan Army since Independence. This is precisely the reason why Pakistan’s last federal PDM government went on to pass controversial laws of Official Secret Act Bill 2023 and Army Act Amendment Bill 2023 in haste, bestowing unrestricted powers to Pak Intelligence Agencies and Army. It was under the pressure from the Pakistan Army that the PDM government did not even bother to take Pakistan’s President Arif Alvi on-board and passed the law without his official consent. With the general elections approaching, the passage of these laws is being viewed as a measure by the Pakistan Army to cull down any further dissent. It was crucial for the forces to prepare a strong legal backing to justify its crackdown on protests and enforce its will on the masses. The writer is an author and columnist and has written several books. He tweets @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views. 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Every year on 6 September, Pakistan celebrates its Defence Day to push the fictitious narrative of the ‘bravery’ of the country’s armed forces during the 1965 war with India
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