Erdogan’s complicated relationship with India: Domestic compulsions and geopolitical aspirations

In a move that has once again stirred controversy on the international stage, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, during his recent address to the United Nations General Assembly, mentioned Jammu and Kashmir for the fifth consecutive year. Turkey, alongside Pakistan, became only the second country to do so this year. What makes this development even more intriguing is the fact that it occurred mere weeks after the G20 Summit in New Delhi, where Erdogan had met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Furthermore, Turkey had recently extended its support for India’s bid for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council. This complex relationship between India and Turkey defies simple categorisation; it neither falls into the category of ally nor adversary. Instead, it exists in a grey zone, marked by a state of “neither war, nor absolute peace”. To comprehend this intricate dynamic, one must consider Erdogan’s domestic compulsions, his geopolitical ambitions, and the consequent threats and opportunities that arise for India. Domestic compulsions and political Islam Domestic factors often serve as the linchpin of a country’s foreign policy, and Turkey is no exception. Erdogan’s unexpected re-election in May 2023 highlights the influence of domestic dynamics on foreign affairs. One of the key drivers behind his re-election was the resurgence of political Islam in Turkey. Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AK Party) garnered substantial support from conservative segments of society, particularly devout Muslim women . This support base has been built on a series of gradual reforms in the Ataturk-era westernised Turkish society on several levels: return to state-sponsored Islamic education through more Imam Hakip schools ; enlargement and construction of more mosques to encourage community prayers (around 9,000 new constructions in the last decade); renaming the sixth-century Christian-Muslim structure a mosque open for prayers (Hagia Sophia was a turned into a museum under Ataturk), discouraging family planning and birth-control while sanctioning it us-Islamic (by Erdogan himself), etc. Moreover, Erdogan, in the run-up to the national elections, reaffirmed his commitment to conservative voters by leading prayers at the Grand Mosque. Geopolitical ambitions and Ottoman revivalism Having said that, the significance of political Islam in Erdogan’s politics expands into his geopolitical aspirations as well. Erdogan’s emphasis on reviving the glory of the Ottoman Empire plays a central role in his geopolitical aspirations. This revivalist agenda seeks to legitimise Turkey’s leadership in the Islamic world. This ambition is evident in the tone and terminology used in official media communication, the proliferation of revivalist themes in popular culture, and the rebranding of national symbols and identities. Official channels, such as TRT World videos and Anadolu Agency’s reportage, prominently feature Islamic themes, while Ottoman-era web series, like “Ertugrul Ghazi,” have gained international popularity, promoting Ottoman history and culture as soft power tools. Turkey’s bid to create an alternative bloc to the Saudi-led Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in 2019 , with support from Islamabad and Kuala Lumpur, showcased its challenge to the existing leadership of the Islamic world. Erdogan’s strong support for Muslim-majority Azerbaijan during the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis through the active provision of drones further highlighted his assertive Islamic posturing, which caused tensions among NATO allies. This has been furthered until September 2023 military actions of Azerbaijan in the disputed territory. Jammu and Kashmir in the larger geopolitical context Erdogan’s stance on Jammu and Kashmir sits at the cusp of this larger dynamic of his own domestic compulsions and geopolitical aspirations. It has more to do with their global foreign policy objectives, instead of bilateral interests with regard to India. Having said that, the threats facing India due to Ankara’s geopolitical aspirations are widespread, in terms of arms sale to Pakistan (recent Baykhar Akinci drones imported by Islamabad despite economic crisis), radicalisation attempts (funding links with Zakir Naik as well as other groups in J&K and Kerala), funding anti-India activities, sheltering separatist leaders and their kins, and most importantly - influence operations. The close reportage of comparisons between Jammu and Kashmir and Palestine, narratives about the August 2019 Internal Reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir, and communal clashes in India, to the extent of systematically and academically comparing them with genocide of Muslim minorities, are not rare. Influences on certain terror outfits using Turkish phrases in their “press releases” have also been lately noticed, although not without questions on their authenticity. Security agencies have claimed links of social media influencers targeting audiences in this respect with Turkey. India’s calculated response In response to these challenges, India must adopt a measured approach that takes into account the larger geopolitical landscape rather than being confined to bilateral relations. On the diplomatic front, India must continue its current response mechanism. However, in the information domain, India must proactively engage through conventional media, social media, and official communication to counter any misinformation and influence operations originating from Turkey. Turkey’s resurgence of political Islam and its ambitious Ottoman revivalism drive its assertive role in international affairs. While Turkey may not be an adversary of India, its actions in the region and on the global stage have implications for India’s security and international image. India’s response must be well-calibrated, taking into account the broader geopolitical realities that surround this complex relationship, and better planned in the information realm. The author is a research associate with the Centre for Indian Knowledge Systems, Chanakya University, Bengaluru. She has previously worked with Centre for Land Warfare Studies, Indian Army. Her research is primarily focused on Cognitive Warfare. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views. Read all the  Latest News ,  Trending News ,  Cricket News ,  Bollywood News , India News  and  Entertainment News  here. Follow us on  Facebook ,  Twitter  and  Instagram .