Muslims must choose between reservation and myth of caste-less Islamic society

The renewed debate on reservations spurred by the introduction of a 10 percent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) has led Muslims to revive their long-standing demand for a share of the pie arguing that theirs is among the economically most backward communities and therefore eligible for inclusion.

There is confusion whether the new quota is meant only for the poor among upper-caste Hindus or will apply to the economically disadvantaged sections of other communities as well. The sense is that it is essentially designed to help poorer upper-caste Hindus. Some fear that the new scheme might even erode the existing benefits some Muslim groups enjoy under the OBC category. 

According to Imtiaz Ahmad, former Professor of Political Sociology at JNU, the “cake” is shrinking as reservations are extended to newer groups without lifting the 50 percent cap on total reservations across all categories.  

“This may work to the detriment of Muslims as their share of the cake will also shrink,” he says echoing a widely held view. “I believe the scheme has been designed to benefit poor upper caste Hindus,” Amir Ali, associate professor at the Centre for Political Studies, JNU, told me. But then almost as an after-thought he said something that’s not often mentioned but is an open secret. He thought Muslims had a case for claiming reservation because, as he put it,  “Muslims do practice caste even though there is no scriptural sanction for this.”

He put his finger on a phenomenon that dare not speak its name in public — namely, widespread casteism in Muslim community even as it claims not to believe in caste system. Muslims have gone to some lengths to perpetuate the myth of a caste-less and classless community. And it has now come to haunt them as they struggle to push their claim for reservation meant for victims of Hindu caste system. 

While caste quotas are being constantly extended to more and more categories of socially backward Hindu groups deemed historical victims of caste oppression, Muslims find themselves shut out on the very rational basis that there’s no caste system in Islam — and hence no victims of Hindu-style caste discrimination. At present, reservation benefits are available only to Dalit Hindus, Buddhists, and Sikhs. Though, as stated above, some economically weaker groups among Muslims such as “chamars”, “mehtars” and “dhobis” also qualify under OBC reservations, it’s a tiny number.

The myth of Indian Muslim community’s egalitarianism derives from early Islam’s historic role in unifying a primitive and deeply divided tribal society on the basis of a common belief: An inclusive brotherhood (ummah) where everyone was treated equally irrespective of their social and economic background. 

“Hajj” and prayer congregations are cited as its best advertisements. As Allama Mohammad Iqbal wrote: “Ek hi saf mein khade ho gaye Mahmood-o-Ayaz Na koi banda raha aur na koi banda-nawaz” (Sultan and slave stand in single file side by side).

Asra Nomani, a well-known Indian-origin American journalist, has written that she “never felt a connection to the Muslim community”. But when she went to Hajj pilgrimage to write about it for an American journal she was suddenly overwhelmed by its “spirit” of inclusion.

“On the Hajj we were equalised by what we wore: the men were cloaked in the same seamless white fabrics, and the women in simple clothes.” (Standing Alone in Mecca: A Pilgrimage into the Heart of Islam)

A case frequently cited to highlight Islam’s stress on inclusion is that of a slave named Bilal ibn Rabah (born in Mecca in the late 6th century) who was chosen by Prophet Mohammad to become Islam’s very first muezzin— the person who calls the faithful for namaz. 

All this, however, is a far cry from the present-day reality of a caste and class conscious Muslim community, however much it tries to dress it up. The contemporary reality is embarrassingly at odds with the “Big Tent” ethos of early Islam. Today, caste and class play a big role in the lives of South Asian Muslim societies. Indeed, class and caste have been central to the lives of Indian Muslims going back to great reformist movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 

Without getting bogged down in detail, it will suffice to say that broadly the community is divided between the upper-class Ashrafs, and lower-class Aijlaf comprising Hindu converts and those engaged in menial professions. Aijlas are further divided into myriad sub-castes. Lately, a new term, “Pasmanda” (oppressed) Muslims, has been coined to describe the victims of caste-based exploitation among Muslims.   

Short of overt untouchability, the Muslim caste system is nearly as stratified as the Hindu caste hierarchy. Yet, Muslims remain in denial, and instead want the reservations to be extended to them on grounds of their economic backwardness. They have even petitioned the Supreme Court. 

The BJP has consistently opposed caste quotas for non-Hindus. A resolution passed by its national executive in 2010 said that it would “amount to a formal introduction of a caste system in Islam and Christianity thus changing the basic tenets of these religions”. Yet, in a surprise move last month while the SC was considering the above-mentioned petitions, the Central government announced the appointment of a three-member Commission of Inquiry headed by former Chief Justice of India, Justice KG Balakrishnan, to examine the issue. (The Hindu; 7 Oct 7,2022). 

This is not the first time that such an exercise is to be undertaken. The Manmohan Singh government appointed a similar panel led by former SC Chief Justice, Ranganath Misra, and in its report in 2007 it recommended that Scheduled Caste reservations should be made “fully religion-neutral like…Scheduled Tribes”.   

Two years later, it was placed before Parliament, and then forgotten.

“There was no action-taken report and no discussion in either House. The government never disclosed its stand on any recommendations of the commission, and did not answer any questions about it,” according to Professor Tahir Mahmood, who was a member of the Commission (Indian Express, 22Sept 22, 2022).

A team of sociologists commissioned by the National Commission for Minorities in 2008 also made a similar recommendation. But again there was no follow-up action. The fact is that no political party is serious about amending the existing law as it was explicitly meant to help only those who had been victims of centuries of oppression under the Hindu caste system.   

We can question the principle of caste-based reservation as much as we like but the law as it stands today doesn’t apply to non-Hindu communities that claim to be caste-free zones. Full stop.  Muslims while claiming to be caste-free cannot at the same time realistically expect to benefit from a caste-driven scheme.

Hypothetically, the Muslim demand can be addressed in one of the two ways: divert a chunk of the reservation quota to Muslims; or create an extra quota for EWS Muslims. But there’s a problem with both options. The first because it would be politically suicidal for any party to be seen to deprive existing beneficiaries of their rightful share and give it to another group. 

The second because it will mean lifting the present 50 percent cap on total reservations, and any such increase in quota will mean fewer university places and jobs for “open” or general category — millions of ordinary people who are not eligible for any affirmative policy and compete on merit. There’s a real risk of provoking a public backlash and social unrest. 

Already, there’s anger over what is seen as too much social engineering being attempted in the name of social justice depriving general category candidates of university places and jobs. Given its political and electoral implications it’s hard to imagine that the government will risk inviting trouble for the sake of a community it isn’t particularly fond of anyways.

So, on the face of it, the Muslim campaign for EWS reservation quota doesn’t look like going anywhere in the absence of support from the political class, including the so-called “secular” parties. Ultimately, however, the Muslim community must either acknowledge the reality of its caste system in order to claim reservation, or stop seeking a piece of a cake which has caste written all over it. Nobody is going to let them eat their cake and have it too.

 The author is an independent commentator. Views expressed are personal.

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