Chhattisgarh attack: The bloody legacy of Mahendra Karma's Salwa Judum

The brutal Naxal attack which killed 27 people in Chhattisgarh was, according to survivors, a revenge attack on Congress leader Mahendra Karma, the architect of the controversial Salwa Judum movement. The Salwa Judum programme was decried by human rights activists ever since its inception, but continued until March 2011, when it was finally struck down by the Supreme Court of India. But what exactly was Salwa Judum and why was it so controversial? [caption id=“attachment_818023” align=“alignleft” width=“380”] Mahendra Karma: AFP[/caption] What was Salwa Judum? Salwa Judum (which means purification hunt) was conceived in June 2005 by Congress leader Mahendra Karma, which saw the state government offer military support to a local uprising against Naxal rebels. The movement was supported by both state government and opposition members in Chhattisgarh. According to this report in The Indian Express , Salwa Judum, which means a purification hunt in Bastar’s tribal dialect, started as a spontaneous uprising against Naxals in Ambeli village in Kutru block of Bijapur district on June 4, 2005. Tired of constant harassment by the police who came looking for Naxals, people from Ambeli and a few neighbouring villages decided to hunt them out themselves. The Salwa Judum, which garnered political support, would march from village to village, with security personnel throwing a cordon around them, asking people to join them—often allegedly forcing them. It was supported by then Opposition leader Mahendra Karma of the Congress. The BJP government of Raman Singh also saw in it an opportunity to pin down the Naxals. It provided funds to set up camps where people coaxed or forced by Judum activists to join them were settled. For two years, the government even provided free ration and medical facilities to every one at the camps. The Salwa Judum movement also saw the training of Special Police Officers (SPOs) to help bolster security in the state and strengthen the military capabilities in the state. In 2009, the operation was even praised by then Home Minister P Chidambaram who was quoted as saying , “The special police officers (SPOs) have played a useful role and should be appointed wherever required.” However this concept of arming tribal against tribal was fraught with trouble from its very beginning. Controversies and excesses  Soon reports of excesses by the militia in collaboration with members of the Salwa Judum began trickling in and human rights groups began intensifying demands that it be shut down immediately. The uneasiness was not only limited to rights groups and organisations, but also in the mainstream media. According to this report by the Asian Centre for Human Rights,

The Adivasis are the pawns of both the parties of the conflict. They are also the perpetrators as well as the victims of the undeclared civil war. The Salwa Judum has been far from a peaceful campaign with hundreds of the cadres being given full military training as Special Police Officers. It has created a civil war where one is either with the Naxalites or with the Salwa Judum. As the Naxalites followed the policy of forcibly recruiting one cadre from each family, in numerous cases, members of the same family have been pitted against each other. The Adivasis do not necessarily share the Naxalites’ dream of surrounding “ Delhi one day with Red Army”, but they want their plight to improve and bring an end to exploitation by the corrupt government officials, police, money lenders, contractors etc. Instead, they find themselves in the midst of a civil war. The security forces and Salwa Judum activists have been responsible for gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws including torture, killings and rape especially during joint operations to bring scattered villages under the Salwa Judum. But the police do not register such complaints of atrocities as they also commit these crimes. Those who are victims of violations by the security forces and the Salwa Judum activists therefore are not given any compensation. Only the alleged victims of Naxalite violence are given compensation.

A T imes of India feature on the Salwa Judum movement in 2010, one year before it was disbanded by the Supreme Court, gave more disturbing information on the movement:

At a Salwa Judum camp in Konta, Dantewada , the chimera of “noble battle” is well laid out. As you enter the cluster, there are statues of two special police officers (SPOs) killed by the Maoists. A façade of macho heroism permeates the air, hiding a grim reality. Skinny, impoverished young men dressed in battle fatigues greet you at the camp. “We are trained for armed combat,” boasts a boy firing from an imaginary gun. The boys have not completed high school, but are training to be SPOs and are paid Rs 2,150 a month. The government gives the ’loyal’ inmates rice at Rs 2 a kg, free oil and onions. The elders, though, are a worried lot. “The biggest mistake is to give guns to these immature boys,” says Sonde Veeraiah of Girijama Samgkheme, a tribal association. “They become bloated with power and lose control,” he adds. In fact, recruiting underage boys is just one of the many accusations made by human rights activists against the Salwa Judum.

Supreme Court ruling In 2011, the Supreme Court struck down the Salwa Judum based on a writ petition filed by social anthropologist Professor Nandini Sundar and some others. The Hindu quoted some key parts of the judgement which “strongly indicted the State for violating Constitutional principles in arming youth who had passed only fifth standard and conferring on them the powers of police”. Some key quotes from the bench: The Bench said “the State of Chhattisgarh shall forthwith make every effort to recall all firearms issued to any of the SPOs, whether current or former, along with any and all accoutrements and accessories issued to use such firearms. The word firearm as used shall include any and all forms of guns, rifles, launchers etc., of whatever calibre.” The court directed the Centre and the State of Chhattisgarh to provide appropriate security forthwith, and undertake such measures “as are necessary, and within bounds of constitutional permissibility, to protect the lives of those who had been employed as SPOs previously, or who had been given any initial orders of selection or appointment, from any and all forces, including but not limited to Maoists/Naxalites.” The Bench made it clear that the State of Chhattisgarh should take all appropriate measures to prevent the operation of any group, including but not limited to Salwa Judum and Koya commandos, that in any manner or form seek to take law into private hands, act unconstitutionally or otherwise violate the human rights of any person. You can read the entire judgement here