A Manhattan grand jury on 30 March, 2023,
indicted former President Donald Trump on charges likely related to the cover-up of his relationship with a porn star. He’s the first US president or former president to be criminally charged. Trump is also under investigation in other cases. These include the 8 August, 2022,
seizure of documents from his Florida home by the FBI, continued progress in a
Georgia state investigation into Republican election tampering and the ongoing revelations of evidence presented by the congressional committee
investigating the 6 January insurrection. While charging a former president with a criminal offence is a first in the United States, in other countries ex-leaders are
routinely investigated, prosecuted and even jailed. In March 2021, former French president
Nicolas Sarkozy was sentenced to a year in prison for corruption and influence peddling. Later that year, the trial of Israel’s longtime Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu related to breaches of trust, bribery and fraud while in office commenced. And Jacob Zuma, the
former president of South Africa who was charged with money laundering and racketeering, has yet to
face trial after years of delays. At first glance,
prosecuting current or past top officials accused of illegal conduct seems like an obvious decision for a democracy: Everyone should be subject to the rule of law.
**Also Read: How the New York indictment is hurting Donald Trump's other investigations** But presidents and prime ministers aren’t just anyone. They are chosen by a nation’s citizens or their parties to lead. They are often popular, sometimes revered. So judicial proceedings against them are
inevitably perceived as political and become divisive. Destabilising prosecutions This is partly why
US president Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon, his predecessor, in 1974. Despite clear evidence of criminal wrongdoing in the Watergate scandal,
Ford feared the country “would needlessly be diverted from meeting (our) challenges if we as a people were to remain sharply divided over” punishing the ex-president. Public reaction
at the time was divided along party lines. Today, some
now see absolving Nixon as necessary to
heal the nation, while others believe it was a historic mistake, even taking Nixon’s deteriorating health
into account — if for no other reason than it emboldens future impunity of the kind Trump is accused of. [caption id=“attachment_12398752” align=“alignnone” width=“640”] Strong democracies are usually competent enough — and the judicial system independent enough — to prosecute politicians who misbehave, including top leaders. AP[/caption]
Our research on prosecuting world leaders finds that both sweeping immunity and overzealous prosecutions can undermine democracy. But such prosecutions pose different risks for older democracies such as France and the US than they do in younger democracies like South Africa. Mature democracies Strong democracies are usually competent enough — and the judicial system independent enough — to prosecute
politicians who misbehave, including top leaders. Sarkozy is France’s second modern president to be found guilty of corruption, after
Jacques Chirac in 2011 for kickbacks and an attempt to bribe a magistrate. The country didn’t fall apart after either conviction.
Some observers, however, say that Sarkozy’s three-year prison sentence was too harsh and politically motivated.
**Also Read: How Donald Trump’s indictment highlights America’s deep political divide** In mature democracies, prosecutions that
hold leaders accountable can solidify the rule of law. South Korea
investigated and convicted five former presidents starting in the 1990s, a wave of political prosecutions that culminated in the
2018 impeachment of President Park Geun-hye and, soon after, the conviction and imprisonment of her predecessor, Lee Myung-bak. Did these prosecutions deter future leaders from wrongdoing? For what it’s worth, Korea’s two most recent presidents have so far kept out of legal trouble. Overzealous prosecution versus rule of law Even in mature democracies, prosecutors or judges can abuse prosecutions. But overzealous political prosecution is more likely, and potentially more damaging, in emerging democracies where courts and other public institutions may be
insufficiently independent from politics. The weaker and more beholden the judiciary, the easier it is for leaders to exploit the system, either to expand their own power or to take down an opponent.
Brazil embodies this dilemma.
Ex-president
Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, a former
shoeshine boy turned popular leftist, was jailed in 2018 for accepting bribes. Many Brazilians thought his prosecution was a
politicised effort to end his career, but
Lula was re-elected in October, 2022. A year later, the
same prosecutorial team accused the conservative former President Michel Temer of accepting millions in bribes. After his term ended in 2019,
Temer was arrested; his trial
was later suspended. Both Brazilian presidents’ prosecutions were part of a
yearslong sweeping anti-corruption probe by the courts that has jailed dozens of politicians. Even the probe’s lead prosecutor is
accused of corruption. Depending on one’s perspective, Brazil’s crisis reveals that
nobody is above the law or that the government is incorrigibly corrupt — or both. With such confusion, it becomes easier for politicians and voters to view leaders’ transgressions as a normal cost of doing business. For Lula, a conviction didn’t end his career. He was released from jail in 2019 and the Supreme Court later annulled his conviction. Lula is now
leading the 2022 presidential race against current Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. Stability versus accountability Historically, Mexico has taken a different approach to prosecuting past presidents: It doesn’t. During the 20th Century, Mexico’s ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, established a system of
patronage and corruption that
kept its members in power and other parties in the minority. [caption id=“attachment_12398462” align=“alignnone” width=“640”] Former US president Donald Trump was indicted by a Manhattan grand jury, an historic reckoning after years of investigations into his personal, political and business dealings and an abrupt jolt to his bid to retake the White House. AP[/caption] While making a show of
going after smaller fish for petty indiscretions, the PRI-run legal system
wouldn’t touch top party officials, even the most openly corrupt. Impunity kept Mexico stable during its transition to democracy in the 1990s by placating PRI members’ fears of prosecution after leaving office. But
government corruption flourished, and with it, organised crime. That may be changing, though. In early August 2022, Mexican federal prosecutors confirmed that
it has several open investigations into former PRI President Enrique Peña Nieto for alleged money laundering and election-related offences, among other crimes. Mexico is far from the only country to overlook the bad deeds of past leaders. Our research finds that only
23 per cent of countries that transitioned to democracy between 1885 and 2004 charged former leaders with crimes after democratisation. Protecting authoritarians — including those who oversaw human rights violations — may seem contrary to democratic values, but many transitional governments have decided it is necessary for democracy to take root. That’s the bargain South Africa struck as apartheid’s decades of segregation and human rights abuses ended in the early 1990s. South Africa’s white-dominated government
negotiated with Nelson Mandela’s Black-led African National Congress to ensure outgoing government members and supporters would avoid prosecution and largely retain their wealth. This strategy
helped the country transition to majority Black rule in 1994 and avoid a civil war. But it hurt efforts to create a more equal South Africa. As a result, the country has retained one of the
world’s highest racial wealth gaps.
Corruption is a problem, too, as former President Zuma’s prosecution for lavish personal use of public funds shows. But South Africa has a famously independent judiciary.
**Also Read: Donald Trump first former US president to be indicted. But he’s not the only to face legal troubles** Despite pushback from some African National Congress stalwarts and several legal appeals, Zuma’s prosecution continues. And it may yet deter future misdeeds. How mature is mature? Israel is partly a testament to the rule of law — and partly a cautionary tale about prosecuting leaders in democracies. Israel didn’t wait for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to
leave office to investigate wrongdoing. But the court process was fraught with delays, in part because Netanyahu used state power to resist what he called a “
witch hunt.” The trial triggered protests by his Likud party. Netanyahu tried unsuccessfully to secure immunity
and stall. He was even reelected while under indictment, and his trial is not over yet. With the Trump indictment, the process will reveal something fundamental about American democracy. Whatever the outcome, they will be a matter of both law — and politics. This article is republished from
The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the
original article. Read all the Latest News, Trending News, Cricket News, Bollywood News, India News and Entertainment News here. Follow us on
Facebook,
Twitter and
Instagram.