Amid Trump’s tariff blitz, China scrambles to forge national unity and counter western pressure

With tariffs and counter-tariffs by the US and China reaching astonishing levels — Washington imposing a combined up to 245 per cent in levies on Chinese goods and Beijing retaliating with duties of 125 per cent — tensions between the two global powers are intensifying. While US President Donald Trump has hinted at slowing down in imposing additional tariffs, citing concerns that it could stall trade, the White House has not indicated any clear intention to take the first step toward easing hostilities.

Despite Trump’s assertions of a “very good relationship” with Chinese President Xi Jinping, the broader reality is more adversarial. Both nations have ramped up their trade restrictions as part of a broader strategic rivalry, with tariffs now serving as instruments in a larger geopolitical contest.

A strategic rethink beyond economics

It’s more likely, observers say, that the US and China will eventually de-escalate their tensions. However, what looks certain is that for China, this conflict is about more than just trade or tariffs. It has made China rethink the vulnerabilities of its vast border regions — areas that could be used by the West to challenge China’s claims of sovereignty and national unity.

As US pressure continues, China feels a stronger need to keep stability within its borders, maintain good relationships with neighbouring countries, strengthen its economy, promote a strong Chinese identity in ethnic areas and control how the world views its internal governance, especially in its border regions.

China’s expansive and complex geography

China shares over 22,000 kilometres (13,700 miles) of land borders with 14 neighbouring countries. These regions are home to numerous ethnic groups and nine provinces and autonomous regions along this land frontier occupy about 62 per cent of the country’s territory. In addition to this, China has over 18,000 kilometres of coastline, further adding to its geopolitical sensitivities.

A South China Morning Post columnist says that some Chinese researchers argue that it’s time to break away from Western academic frameworks and instead adopt “Chinese theories to address China’s own frontier matters.” This approach is seen as essential to reshaping how border governance is both studied and narrated.

It was said that China was dealing with several ongoing challenges along its borders. These included a standoff with India in the Himalayas, territorial disputes with the Philippines in the South China Sea and repeated ethnic tensions in regions like Xinjiang and Tibet. Because of these issues, border security was considered a top priority for the Chinese government.

In a Politburo study session held in December, President Xi Jinping was reported to have stressed the importance of strengthening research across different disciplines related to borderland history and governance. He had called for the creation of more influential and trustworthy studies that could help shape China’s own narrative about how it governs its border regions in what was described as the “new era”.

It was also noted that there was a growing belief within China that Western countries were intentionally using sensitive political topics — such as Xinjiang, Tibet, the South China Sea, Hong Kong and Taiwan — to weaken China’s image on the global stage and disrupt its internal unity.

Political stakes of historical interpretation

It was mentioned in the South China Morning Post piece that Xing Guangcheng, the director of the Institute of Chinese Borderland Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing believed that foreign academic approaches were not neutral. He was of the opinion that these approaches tried to blur China’s border sovereignty, weaken the country’s historical unity and reduce people’s sense of belonging to the Chinese national community.

It was explained that many of China’s modern borders had been passed down from the Qing dynasty, which had ruled a multi-ethnic empire. However, during the 1980s and 1990s, more Western scholars started supporting an academic trend called “New Qing History”. This approach challenged the idea that the Qing empire and China were the same.

Instead, it focussed on the Qing dynasty’s mix of different ethnic groups and its complicated way of ruling — an idea that Chinese authorities were reportedly wary of because it made the idea of a single, united Chinese nation harder to support.

From Beijing’s perspective, accepting these interpretations could harm national unity and give others a reason to question China’s control over sensitive regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang.

This tension also shows up in how China sees its own identity. Some Western scholars, mentioned in the South China Morning Post, see China as a country mostly made up of the Han ethnic group. They look at how China governs its border regions as if it were similar to colonial rule. These scholars believe that China’s efforts to bring different ethnic groups into the mainstream culture are like colonial policies, trying to make everyone fit into one main ethnic identity.

Forging a ‘sense of community’ in the Xi era

Since 2014, after ethnic unrest in Tibet (2008) and Xinjiang (2009), President Xi introduced the idea of a “sense of community of the Chinese nation”. This idea has become a key part of China’s ethnic policies. It aims to create a shared national identity for all ethnic groups.

At the same time, China has been working on building a “unified national market” to connect its border regions more closely with the rest of the country. The goal is that more development and better connections will help reduce ethnic tensions and increase loyalty to the central government.

However, there are deeper questions about this plan: can economic growth alone truly win long-term support from people who have different languages, religions and histories?

Benno Weiner, an associate professor at Carnegie Mellon University, told the South China Morning Post that Chinese leaders have long faced a challenge: how to make non-Han ethnic groups — many of whom were once ruled by the Manchu-led Qing Empire — feel like equal citizens in a country mostly led by Han Chinese.

This becomes especially difficult when these groups have strong cultural identities and don’t want to fully blend in. Policies meant to create unity, like using more Mandarin in schools or controlling religious practices, can sometimes make these groups feel left out instead of included.

History as a tool of unity

One important part of China’s current borderland policy is using history to support unity. The government is increasingly looking back at its imperial past to help shape today’s policies. By studying how past emperors ruled and kept the country together, China wants to strengthen the idea that “great unity” has always been a key part of Chinese civilisation.

President Xi has repeatedly expressed the view that China was now in a stronger position than ever before to address the debate between ancient and modern ideas as well as between Eastern and Western perspectives. The ruling Communist Party, which once supported Marxism-Leninism and recognised ethnic diversity through official systems, is now pushing more strongly for national unity.

Why China is so worried about its borders

China’s concern with its border areas is not just about land — it’s also about politics, identity and control. These areas are home to many ethnic minority groups like Tibetans, Uyghurs and Mongols, who have their own unique cultures, religions and histories. Some of them don’t fully see themselves as part of the Han-majority Chinese state, and in the past, some have even asked for more independence or self-rule.

China worries that any problems in these border regions could cause instability inside the country or lead to outside countries questioning its control over these areas.

Strong local identities, especially among non-Han ethnic groups, are seen as threats to national unity. This worry comes from past movements in places like Tibet and Xinjiang where people continue to follow their own cultural and religious traditions.

Criticism about human rights — such as the treatment of Uyghurs in Xinjiang or limits on religious and cultural practices in Tibet — is only making China increasingly nervous. The location of these border areas makes things even more complex. Places like Tibet and Xinjiang are not only culturally different but also important for military and economic reasons. They share borders with big countries like India and Russia and are part of major trade and energy routes.

What China describes as issues of sovereignty may actually reflect deeper worries within the country. The push for a single Chinese identity shows that many people in these regions don’t feel fully included in the Han-majority system. China’s claims of foreign interference might be a way to shift focus from these internal divisions showing a government focussed on keeping the country united from within.