The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan have detained many Islamist leaders and activists as part of a repressive crackdown targeting political opponents of the paramilitary group. While the arrests began prior to the outbreak of conflict in April between the RSF and forces loyal to de facto military leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, they have escalated in recent times. According to reports, Islamists vehemently oppose the power seizure attempt initiated by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, the leader of the RSF, as they fear it will impede their efforts to regain the political and economic dominance they enjoyed for decades in Khartoum. Dagalo, a former militia leader from Darfur accused of involvement in multiple massacres, has presented himself as a reformist and publicly labeled Burhan as a “radical Islamist.” Dagalo recently boasted, via an audio statement, about the RSF’s detention of thousands of Islamists, including former intelligence service members and members of Islamist militias. He claimed to have thwarted the Islamists’ schemes, terrorist plots, and extremist plans, stating that their officers and non-commissioned officers now occupy the RSF’s prisons. While there is no independent verification of the exact numbers, several prominent figures within Sudan’s Islamist movement have been arrested in recent weeks. Among them are Mohamed al-Jazouli, a veteran hardliner who leads a new alliance of Islamist parties, and Anas Omar, a former high-ranking intelligence general and state governor under the regime of ousted autocratic leader Omar al-Bashir in 2019. Following the outbreak of conflict in April, Jazouli emerged as a vocal supporter of the army and urged a popular mobilization against Dagalo. While Sudan’s Islamists have maintained a low profile in recent months, analysts emphasize that the attitudes of the key players in the conflict towards the Islamist movement remain crucial. According to Professor Nick Westcott, the director of the Royal African Society, Dagalo seeks to portray Islamists as a significant threat, positioning himself as the sole opposition force against them. This narrative serves his political agenda, as well as his economic interests since Islamists are deeply entrenched in Sudan’s economy. The conflict in Sudan has resulted in a death toll of at least 2,000 people, with its impact felt across the nation, leading to immense suffering for millions. Since the onset of the fighting, Burhan has rallied individuals who either benefited from or were part of the regime of former dictator Bashir, who was overthrown in 2019. Throughout Bashir’s rule, he relied on Islamists, filling bureaucratic and intelligence service positions with devoted supporters who aspired to establish a strict religious governance system in Sudan, despite the presence of a sizable Christian minority. The Islamist presence among regular military officers engaged in battles against Dagalo’s RSF forces in Khartoum and other areas has been long-standing, with estimates suggesting they comprise around two-thirds of the military’s ranks. According to a former Islamist leader, their experience has taught them that the army has the capability to remove them from political power. Consequently, for the past five decades, they have strategically worked to infiltrate the army by establishing covert cells within its ranks. The former leader emphasized that while the cells operated discreetly, their influence within the army was evident. The intensified campaign to consolidate power within the army took place after Bashir’s ascent to power in 1989, alongside the National Islamic Front, an Islamist organization founded by the hardline lawyer and Islamic scholar Hassan Abdullah al-Turabi. Burhan, on the other hand, is primarily focused on maintaining the military’s power and influence, as well as safeguarding its economic interests. When he assumed power in 2019 without a strong political base, he turned to veterans of Bashir’s regime to counter challenges from pro-democracy forces and Dagalo. Initial attempts at reform, which included the potential removal of Islamists, were swiftly abandoned and reversed following the military coup in 2021, which dashed hopes for a democratic transition. Many senior Islamists who had fled, including numerous individuals who sought refuge in Turkey, were able to return. In April, last year, a new Islamist coalition was launched, marked by a rally in central Khartoum that attracted numerous former regime supporters and officials. Additionally, thousands of Islamists protested against the presence of the United Nations in the country. There are widespread suspicions that in April, Islamists were actively working to hinder any potential agreement between Burhan and Dagalo that could have prevented the eruption of conflict. The RSF has accused Burhan of releasing a group of Islamists, comprising former high-ranking officials loyal to Bashir, who were imprisoned in Khartoum. According to Sudan’s military, these individuals escaped from Kober prison during the ongoing fighting. The exact whereabouts of Bashir, who has been in custody since his removal from power in 2019 by a coalition of pro-democracy activists, Sudan’s military, and the RSF following widespread protests, remains uncertain. Military authorities have stated that he was transferred from Kober prison to a military hospital shortly after the outbreak of the conflict but “before the rebellion broke out” in the prison.