Modi’s sadbhavna is better than reopening wounds

By Kartikeya Tanna Rajdeep Sardesai’s blog on the lack of compassion in Narendra Modi’s governance principally deals with the lack of some show of solidarity with the riot victims and the noticeable absence of amity between the two principal communities. Exploring the first area, it can be plausibly argued that if Modi went to Godhra on 27 February to assuage the injured admitted at the Civil Hospital, he could certainly have made attempts to meet the riot victims and relatives of those killed, even though meeting each family spread across many districts isn’t without its logistical and security challenges. In his speech at the inauguration of the Sadbhavna mission, Modi expressed the pain he felt for those who suffered tragedies during the 2002 riots, a pain he says he feels even now. Surely, how he should express remorse is a topic where different suggestions to him carry equal weight. My personal view is that Modi should at least send personal letters to the families of riot victims, even if the cottage industry of Modi-hatred interferes, rather expectedly, in this interpersonal exchange. The lack of communal amity in Gujarat is something which requires a historical perspective, if only to bring home the sheer futility of being fixated on it, to ultimately highlight the usefulness of adopting the ‘fresh start’ approach that Modi seeks. Speaking with numerous fellow Gujaratis gives me an idea of why many still carry a deep sense of grievance against Muslims – whether right or wrong. This grievance dates back to the attack on the sacred Somnath temple by Mahmud of Ghazni. Post independence, the 1970s and 1980s saw the worst years of Congress rule in Gujarat. Many of its leaders, as Julio Rubeiro points out , flirted with bootleggers, smugglers and the underworld whose illicit wealth helped fund their election campaigns. [caption id=“attachment_225952” align=“alignleft” width=“380” caption=“Gujarat CM Modi with senior BJP leader LK Advani at his sadbhavna fast, in Ahmedabad. PTI”] [/caption] While the media chooses to focus entirely on the horrors of 2002, the alarming ease with which leaders would get Muslim gangsters to foment trouble for political benefits is too recent to be forgotten by Gujaratis. This gave rise to a credible alternative – the Bharatiya Janata Party – which ultimately gained power in the mid-90s as a party expected to end this wretched politics, giving Gujaratis a political option they haven’t deserted ever since. On the downside, this ‘resurgence’ came with its share of fundamentalism which saw the growth of outfits like the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad, leading to a significant dilution of communitarian intermingling, particularly in sensitive cities like Ahmedabad. Ten years ago, the simmering hatred and mistrust showed its ugly face – to be sure, both in Godhra — with karsevaks, women and children being burnt alive — and the ensuing riotous reaction. During one of those uncomfortably quiet nights, a patrolling police constable told a few of us how he joined the police force as soon as he became eligible to earn enough to repay the usurious lender who would constantly harass his mother, also a widow. While Gujarat may have given birth to a Gandhi, said the constable rather pithily, it was also home to “that lender” - where the religious identity of the lender was a sore point. Undeniably, stories of innocent Muslims who faced Hindu ire during the 2002 riots aren’t dissimilar. The tears of riot victims or those of the families of karsevaks or those of Gujaratis who lost their beloved in numerous riots prior to 2002 have not been sufficiently wiped. And, however much NGOs and the media desire, in human sufferings, there is no principle that later events take precedence over earlier ones. In this context, Modi’s attempt at inspiring an atmosphere of sadbhavna is a rather bold one – he not only risks cynical glances portraying it as a mere platform for the national stage, but also risks angering many sections of the majority community which continue to carry the insecurities of the recent past. The irresistible question is — does this approach to move forward in an atmosphere of sadbhavna work? Moreover, the futility of indulging in a historical blame-game must also be understood. For when the blame for 2002 starts, the discourse can take warring debaters back centuries, to even undocumented history, till the time the oxygen in their lungs runs out. And, given the deficient criminal justice system in India, riot convictions are a nightmare, particularly when riots have societal or political endorsement. What often works in such situations, in addition to hoping meaningful prosecution, is a sincere attempt at a fresh beginning, but not without its prerequisites. The first step Modi has taken is that, in the 10 years hence, Gujarat has been unaffected by any riots of any nature despite the occurrence of events historically considered sufficiently provocative. As much as he is ultimately responsible as Gujarat’s chief minister for the failure of law and order in 2002, he must be given due credit for the relative calm thereafter. Equally important, as many Muslim intellectuals point out, is that a large number of Muslims must get out of the ghetto mentality. Sadly, those Muslims who have endorsed the viewpoint that Gujarat must start afresh are immediately vilified as Modi’s chamchas and face the unfailing ire of fundamentalist Muslim bodies for inspiring their community to rid off the ghetto and the perennial victimhood! Another vital aspect, wholly overlooked, in this entire discourse on Modi and Gujarat is that the majority community, which has also suffered not too long ago in the overall history of communal disharmony, also requires placation in the form of assurances that Gujarat will not return to the decades of Congress misrule. Despite bold decisions like preventing the VHP from exercising its fundamentalism, Modi’s strong record in law and order post 2002 sends out the assurance that Modi’s latest attempts at inclusiveness can peacefully occur without Gujarat’s return to the recent past. View Modi’s attempt at inclusiveness in his Sadbhavna mission as a stepping stone for the national stage, if you really must. But it is undeniable that the leader’s attempt begets numerous attempts at various levels of administration. The ‘mentally scarred area’ of Shahpur, which Rajdeep refers to, recently had a carrom board tournament and a blood donation drive organised by the Ahmedabad police . Lastly, it is useful to point out that the high GDP growth, often criticised as serving the interests of the rich, results in (a) high revenues to the government which can then fund several welfare schemes; and (b) boost the growth of several ancillary enterprises and opportunities which can be, and have been, grabbed by people of all faiths. While it is fashionable to run down economic statistics, growth is not all about money – its far reaching intangible impact brings about a sense of achievement in things as small as the chai made by a Hindu for a Muslim manager and vice versa. What acts as a catalyst to this is the atmosphere of sadbhavna, catalysed in turn by the fact that Modi is a role model to several Gujaratis which rubs off this amity to them. Modi’s attempt at reducing communal disharmony in a subconsciously- scarred state is a continuing exercise and rushing to judge its success or failure for the purpose of anniversary documentaries is rather unfair. In the meanwhile, the Shahpur residents who played carrom and donated blood and many others, are gradually looking forward. More importantly, together. The author is a Gujarati who was living in Ahmedabad during the 2002 riots.