Mohan Bhagwat, Sangh's most political sarsanghchalak, balances RSS worldview with NDA's realities

In the history of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Mohan Bhagwat would be reckoned as the organisation’s head (Sarsanghchalak) who is more political than the rest. His Dussehra address on Thursday was meant to convey a definite message to members of various RSS constituents that comprise the whole Sangh Parivar. There was nothing unusual in it as he was following the precedent set by his predecessors. But the deviation came when he whole-heartedly endorsed the Narendra Modi government’s domestic and foreign policies. Bhagwat was effusive in his praise of the government. And it was not without reason. What was weighing on his mind was the impact of his utterances on domestic politics. For instance, he was aware of the fact that his indiscreet remark on setting economic criteria for job reservation had upset the BJP’s applecart in Bihar. Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav cannily used it to project the BJP as anti-reservation. This is the precise reason why Bhagwat began his speech by eulogizing BR Ambedkar and came out in support of reservation. Though the damage is done in the Bihar assembly elections, he tried to reconcile his position on reservation and recalled Ambedkar to limit the damage. Any ambiguity on Ambedkar and job reservation would upset the Sangh Parivar’s larger Hindutva project. [caption id=“attachment_2480364” align=“alignleft” width=“380”]  RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. Agencies[/caption] There is a historical context to Bhagwat’s desperation in singing paeans to Ambedkar at the rally, which coincided with the RSS’s 90th foundation day. Immediately after the demolition of the Babri Mosque, the SP-BSP fought elections jointly and defeated a resurgent BJP in Uttar Pradesh in 1993. The BSP’s emergence was seen as Dalit assertion that came in conflict with the RSS’s idea of Hindu unity. It was in this context that Ambedkar was co-opted in the pantheon of the Sangh Parivar as ‘pratah smarniya’ (to be remembered in the morning). The aim was to bring Dalits into the fold. However, it could not wean away Dalits from the BSP and Mayawati to the BJP till 2014 elections when the Modi wave swept the polls. For the first time in UP, the BJP found Dalits co-opted to its side in 2014. Bhagwat’s utterances on the reservation seemed to have fractured that Hindutva consolidation. With three phases of polls still to go, Bhagwat’s Dussehara address has political significance for Bihar and beyond the state. The statement is not only intended to neutralize the campaign against the RSS-BJP but also to convey a pro-Ambedkarite image of the organization in UP. Prime Minister Modi also chose to put across his government’s pro-reservation image at a function to felicitate Ambedkar recently. Bhagawat’s laudatory references to the government’s achievements were clearly intended to set at rest speculation about the strained relationship between Modi and the RSS. Of late various constituents of the Sangh Parivar were seen to be working against the government on the belief that their moves would get approval from the RSS. This was evident in the manner in which RSS’s mouthpiece Panchjayna wrote a series of articles that caused unease in the government. More recently, the magazine came up with a controversial cover story on cow protection that justified Dadri killing. Similarly, a section of the VHP was seen to be behind stoking trouble in Gujarat on the pretext of Patidar (Patels) revolt. The Sarsanghchalak’s speech on Dussehara is usually known for its social and cultural content. Bhagwat’s speech was a clear digression. Insiders admit that unlike his predecessors, Bhagwat has a hands-on approach to politics and has been dabbling in the BJP’s affairs actively since his days as Sarkaryavaha (general secretary). Few know that after LK Advani got embroiled in the Jinnah controversy, Bhagwat was the first to ask the BJP patriarch to resign from the party presidentship. Though Advani initially refused to oblige, he could not sustain the pressure from the Sangh for long. Rajnath Singh succeeded Advani apparently with Bhagwat’s blessing. Since then the RSS has consolidated its hold on the BJP by inducting more full-timers (pracharaks) in the party. In the meantime, Bhagwat staged a coup of sorts in the RSS when he replaced KS Sudershan as the sangh chief in a silent manner which had no precedent. After the takeover, Bhagwat’s shadow loomed large on all critical decisions of the BJP, including selection of the party presidents. But his most significant decision was to throw in his lot with Narendra Modi when his nomination as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate was stiffly opposed by leaders of stature such as Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Sushma Swaraj. Bhagwat gave clear indication about the Sangh’s preference for Modi after realizing that the groundswell for Modi is too strong to resist and thus paved the way for his anointment as the prime minister. Given Modi’s background as the OBC leader, he fits into the Sangh Parivar’s political project of Hindutva. Though the RSS ideologically favours the concept of “dissolution of individuality into collectivity”, Bhagwat is not averse to the idea of letting Modi emerge as supreme leader. It is not by virtue of choice but of compulsion. In his own understanding of politics, Modi despite his failings is still the best bet for the Sangh Parivar. His speech at Dussehra was an attempt at conciliation between the political reality and Sangh Parivar’s ideological worldview which are often at loggerheads.