Door-to-door campaigning to Muslim support: What gives BJP the edge in J&K's Kishtwar

Kishtwar is a divided town. Communal violence on 9 August last year that left three people dead and more than 30 injured has created a schism between the Hindus and Muslim communities which is difficult to bridge now. The peaceful co-existence over decades has given way to subterranean tension and polarisation. This will reflect in the assembly elections here. Kishtwar goes to polls on 25 November. The major contestants here are the BJP’s Sunil Sharma and Sajad Kitchloo of the ruling National Conference. BJP’s chances of winning the Kishtwar constituency, one of the 12 constituencies in the Jammu region where Muslim population is slightly higher than Hindus, have brightened for many reasons. Sharma, who is known for his role in anti-insurgency operations in the town which caught the attention of senior BJP leaders, is on a door-to-door campaign in the constituency, even in Muslim majority areas, something which has never happened in the past. Apart from having Hindu support, he has unexpectedly attracted Muslim youth whom he helped when they were arrested following the worst communal clashes seen in the town. [caption id=“attachment_1815299” align=“alignleft” width=“380”]  Representational image. PTI[/caption] “Before the riots, he was nobody. When NC and other parties blamed him for riots, his standing in his community and the BJP increased manifold,” Asif Kishtwari, a senior journalist based in the town, says. On Wednesday, senior BJP leader and Home Minister Rajnath Singh, held a rally in Sharma’s support in Gulab Garh area where Hindus have more than 13000 votes and Muslims form a weak minority with nearly 800 voters. Before the BJP came to the forefront of politics in Kishtwar, Kitchloo, who has won the seat two time, enjoyed the support of a section of the Hindus and Buddhists as well as the Muslims. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had fielded Syed Asgar Ali, a former MLC, but the party later retracted and announced the candidature of former journalist, Firdous Tak, from Kishtwar. Tak is a political greenhorn and his sudden arrival on Kishtwar scene is seen as a blessing for BJP. “This has brightened the chances of the BJP candidate as the PDP vote bank of nearly 4,000 votes which was against Kitchloo has been fragmented in an intra-party rebellion and the BJP is wooing these disgruntled leaders now,” Kishtiwari says. The Congress has fielded Nek Ram, a weak candidate whose only achievement in the constituency will be to divide the Muslim vote. Kishtwar, located 226 kilometers from Jammu, is the winter capital of Jammu and Kashmir. The people of Kishtwar have been living in harmony. Barring 2008 when four people were killed in August during the Amarnath land row agitation, the town has never seen a communal riot. The conscious politico-religious assimilation of Jammu had never spilled into Kishtwar town, which has Hindu and Muslim population in a 60:40 ratio. That was until last year. The divisive politics fuelled by communal hatred has not only divided people but created identity consciousness, which may have horrible consequences in future. When hundreds of people marched through the Kuleed Chowk last year to join an Eid congregation, a policemen assigned to a local BJP leader crashed his motorcycle into a group of Muslims who slapped him. The cop allegedly ganged up with his friends and began pelting stones at the procession of Muslims who were going to attend Eid prayers. Within minutes, groups of young Muslim men were attacking Hindu-owned properties and young Hindu men vented their anger on Muslim-owned properties following which the two main markets were reduced to cinders in minutes. The Army marched into the town to put an end to the senseless violence. In the aftermath of violence, politicians sensed an opportunity and accused Kitchloo, who was then J&K’s minister of state for home, of playing into the hand of rioters. Pressure built on him, forcing him to resign. With an eye on elections, both BJP and PDP sent their delegations to the town to “comfort” people. When militancy erupted in Kashmir Valley, the BJP made it a local election issue and managed to rise from 1,066 votes in 1983 to 10,900 votes in 1996. But that was not enough to win a seat. The junior Kitchloo polled 17,889 votes when he won the seat for the first time after his father. In the assembly elections of 2008, BJP’s Sunil Kumar polled 16,783 votes, inching closer to Kitchloo who polled 19,248 votes. With the memories of last year’s riots still fresh in the minds of people and many analysts predicting that the Hindu vote, which traditionally went to the NC and Congress, has been consolidated by the BJP, it is not hard to guess which way the wind is blowing. Last year when agitated Hindus and Muslims returned to their homes after weeks of unrest, leaving behind bodies and property that was reduced to cinders, more than 300 Hindu and Muslim boys who were picked up by police for their alleged role in the riots were languishing in jails. “They were arrested for their role in the riots but the BJP’s candidate, Sunil Sharma, helped to set them free. In fact, he helped young men from both the communities post riots,” Kishtwari says. “These young people would make sure my victory in these elections,” Sharma told Firstpost, referring to Muslim youth whom he got released from jail.