Why US policies fail to resonate with Arab public opinion

Amid the ongoing Gaza war, anti-US sentiments have intensified in West Asia. The American support for Israel and its failure to address regional grievances have fuelled this growing discontentment. Amid these escalations, US forces and assets in the region have also been targeted by pro-Iran militia forces in Syria and Iraq, further complicating the security situation.

For decades, the US approach to West Asia has been characterised by scepticism and caution. Despite substantial aid to countries like Iraq, Egypt, Lebanon, and Jordan, totalling billions of dollars, and strong defence ties, the US has struggled to gain popular support in the Arab street as the US policies often clash with regional sentiments and movements. The Arab world views the US with suspicion, particularly following its interventions in Iraq and Libya. This mistrust has persisted despite the US military and economic power, which has not succeeded in restoring reliability.

The US has struggled to define clear and achievable strategic objectives in the region. Its inability to stabilise post-war Iraq and demonstrate to the Iraqi people that its presence serves their interests has been a significant issue. In 2023 alone, the US provided $150 million in economic development assistance and $114.2 million in humanitarian assistance for Iraq, reflecting its commitment but also highlighting the complexities of achieving lasting stability. The inability to anticipate shifting dynamics has been a significant issue. Since the US invasion of Iraq, Iran has effectively established a strong foothold in Iraqi politics, a development that continues to pose a major challenge for the US.

More from Opinion

Sergio Gor’s senate hearing signals the future of Indo-American ties How Trump’s ‘War on Drugs’ buildup against Venezuela has a hidden agenda

Historically, regimes in the region have manipulated public sentiment by linking conflicts and wars with the Palestinian cause. Despite this pattern, the US has struggled to adapt its strategies and respond to these tactics effectively. During the Iran-Iraq War, Ayatollah Khomeini utilised slogans like “The road to Jerusalem passes through Karbala,” to frame the conflict in religious terms and rally support against Saddam Hussein. This slogan highlighted the perceived struggle against oppression, linking the war to the broader issue of Palestinian liberation.

During the war, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) proposed that the “greater victory” of liberating Jerusalem could only be realised after achieving the “lesser victory” of defeating Iraq and Saddam Hussein.

Impact Shorts

More Shorts

How army remains Pakistan’s biggest business house

60 years on, why 1965 India–Pakistan war still matters

Similarly, during the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the ensuing Gulf War, Saddam Hussein used nationalist and Islamic rhetoric to present himself as a protector of Arab honor and a challenger to Western and Israeli dominance, emphasising the Palestinian cause to enhance his regional stature. Although he initially garnered support from parts of the Arab world, his invasion of Kuwait and subsequent failures led to diminished popularity.

Even during the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Saddam Hussein used strong anti-Zionist and anti-American rhetoric to rally support by linking the war to the Palestinian cause. He denounced the US for diverting attention from Israeli aggression, portraying himself as a defender of the Arab world. His speeches emphasised solidarity with Palestinians and accused the US of exploiting the situation for expansionist goals, aiming to consolidate his Pan-Arab leadership amid escalating regional tensions. US’ unwavering support for Israel has often allowed authoritarian regimes to advance their agendas and rally domestic support, leveraging the widespread anger with US policies.

Moreover, the US has been criticised for double standards and hypocrisy in the Arab world. While the US has expressed concerns about human rights violations in various countries, similar concerns regarding Israeli actions often seem muted, exacerbating regional hostility towards the US.
The US has also struggled to understand the regional religious and cultural sensitivities and its military interventions have caused significant collateral damage and worsened the refugee crisis, paving the way for radicalisation in the region. This has enabled Iran and its allies to construe out-group hostility against the US with their domestic rhetoric and regional propaganda. US interventions in the region and their consequences in terms of protracted political and economic crises have left a lasting negative impression on Arab memory. Moreover, the US support for Israel has inadvertently bolstered groups like Hamas and Hezbollah that continue to exploit volatile security situations and political polarisation to enhance their popularity. This was particularly evident after the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war, where public sentiment turned in favor of Hezbollah even in countries with a majority Sunni population.
Anti-US rhetoric and propaganda, driven by genuine grievances, have further tarnished America’s image. Leaders like Hassan Nasrallah utilise social media platforms and Hezbollah’s satellite channel Al-Manar TV, to shape narratives. The advancements in ICT and social media have made it even easier to disseminate and amplify such propaganda. Similarly, Iran and its regional allies and proxies have used the Palestinian issue to rally support for their domestic and regional ambitions. Hezbollah’s resilience and credibility are partly due to its military power, welfare programs, and humanitarian assistance. Importantly, Hezbollah’s alignment with the Palestinian cause as well as its image as a credible Shia resistance force helps solidify its regional influence.

Inconsistent foreign policy has eroded US credibility and reliability. For instance, the abrupt withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and the hasty US military pullout from Syria and Iraq highlighted the lack of a coherent strategy, further undermining the US position in the region. Additionally, inconsistent approaches with allies like Saudi Arabia have further dented relationships. President Joe Biden’s initial stance of labelling Saudi Arabia a “pariah” state strained the US-Saudi alliance, despite efforts to repair ties. This erratic approach has contributed to regional uncertainty and complicated US diplomatic efforts.

The US has failed to fully grasp the evolving regional sentiments and has consistently given unaccountable immunity to Israel, even in the face of violations of international laws. This stance has not been well received in the Arab and Islamic world, where solidarity with the Palestinian cause is strong, particularly during escalations in the West Bank or Gaza. This has made it challenging for the US to be seen as a neutral or impartial partner, while other powers, such as China, have increasingly expanded their diplomatic influence in the region. For example, Beijing recently facilitated reconciliation attempts among Palestinian groups including Hamas and Fatah, and mediated the rapprochement deal between Iran and Saudi Arabia, demonstrating its growing diplomatic engagement in West Asia. Although the tangible and sustainable outcomes of these efforts are completely yet to be seen, Beijing’s involvement has bolstered its credibility, especially with growing investments and economic partnerships with regional powers. According to the 2023 Arab Youth Survey, 80 per cent of respondents view China as an ally of their country. The survey along with several other public polls highlight China’s rising popularity, with many young Arabs perceiving it as a more favourable partner than the US.

In recent years, regional powers have sought to assert their strategic autonomy and diversify their partnerships, engaging more closely with countries like Russia, China, and India. This shift poses a significant challenge for the US as it attempts to maintain its influence in an increasingly multipolar West Asia. However, it is unlikely that China or any other country would replace the US as the net security provider for its allies in the region. Consequently, the US will need to carefully balance its strategic interests with regional public opinion, adapting its approach to sustain its role in the region amidst growing competition.

Dr Nadeem Ahmed Moonakal is a research scholar at Rasanah: International Institute for Iranian Studies, Riyadh. He writes on the security and political developments in the Middle East and South Asia and his research focuses on the emerging geopolitics of the Middle East. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.