The recent statements made by Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu hint at another shift in the country’s diplomatic stance towards India. Following his five-day visit to China in January, Muizzu had asserted that no nation had the right to “bully” the Maldives, indirectly referring to India’s influence in the region. This thinly veiled criticism has now escalated with Muizzu’s recent affirmation that no Indian military personnel, including those in civilian attire, will be permitted in the Maldives after 10 May.
While the Maldives’ position may seem assertive on the surface, upon closer examination, it becomes apparent that the rhetoric of calling India a bully cannot withstand scrutiny. The Maldives has historically maintained close ties with India, benefitting from economic assistance, security cooperation, and cultural exchanges. Moreover, the sudden and unilateral decision to expel Indian military personnel raises questions about the Maldives’ commitment to diplomatic agreements and regional security. In the forthcoming discussion, we will delve deeper into why the Maldives’ anti-India rhetoric is not only misguided but also detrimental to its own interests and regional stability.
Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s response to Maldives’ accusation of India being a bully aptly dismantles such perceptions, highlighting India’s constructive engagement with its neighbours. Jaishankar emphasised the significant positive changes in India’s relations with neighbouring countries, particularly in providing substantial support during times of crisis. He refuted the notion of India being a bully by citing examples of India’s generous aid, including financial assistance of $4.5 billion and vaccine supplies during the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, he highlighted India’s flexibility in responding to various demands, such as food, fuel and fertilizer, despite external challenges. Jaishankar underlined the flourishing trade and investment ties between India and neighbouring nations like Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Bangladesh and the Maldives, showcasing a tangible increase in connectivity, trade volume, and investments. His remarks explain how India is a responsible regional actor committed to fostering mutually beneficial relationships with its neighbours.
The accusations levelled by Maldives against India appear ill-founded and shortsighted, especially considering India’s long-standing history of aid and assistance to the island nation. Data indicates that India is a crucial neighbour that Maldives cannot afford to disregard. India has consistently been a significant donor of foreign aid to the Maldives, with a substantial budget allocation of ₹400 crore for grants in the ongoing fiscal year alone, constituting approximately 1.5 per cent of Maldives’ budget for FY24. Over the years, India’s support to the Maldives has been evident through various forms of aid, including funding for cultural and heritage projects, disaster relief efforts, and financial assistance to tackle economic challenges. For instance, in November 2022, the Indian government provided a substantial financial aid package of $100 million to help the Maldives navigate economic hardships.
Impact Shorts
More ShortsMoreover, India’s assistance extends beyond financial aid, with significant contributions to infrastructure development and healthcare in the Maldives. The construction of the Indira Gandhi Memorial Hospital (IGMH) in 1995, funded by Indian grant assistance, stands as a testament to India’s commitment to improving healthcare infrastructure in the Maldives. Additionally, India has undertaken major renovations of the IGMH, investing ₹52 crore to enhance medical facilities and services for the Maldivian populace. Furthermore, bilateral agreements and memoranda of understanding (MoUs) between India and the Maldives have paved the way for impactful community development projects, underscoring India’s dedication to fostering socio-economic progress and prosperity in the Maldives.
India’s commitment to providing assistance extends beyond just the Maldives, encompassing its neighbouring countries such as Sri Lanka as well. A recent development underscores this collaborative effort, with Sri Lanka and India collaborating on a groundbreaking project involving an estimated $1.2 billion undersea transmission line. This initiative aims to link Sri Lanka’s power grid with India’s, thereby enhancing energy security for the island nation. Following a meeting on 28 February, Pankaj Agarwal, Secretary of India’s Ministry of Power, emphasised the myriad benefits that this integration could bring to Sri Lanka, including significant cost reductions and the potential for the country to export power to India, particularly once its offshore wind capacity is harnessed.
Despite Sri Lanka’s growing proximity to China in recent years, marked by significant investments and infrastructure projects, the country finds itself ensnared in a dire debt trap orchestrated by Beijing. Chinese loans, which have financed numerous infrastructure ventures in Sri Lanka, have contributed to the nation’s burgeoning debt burden, reaching alarming levels that have precipitated a sovereign default in May 2022. Sri Lanka’s reliance on Chinese financing, coupled with its inability to repay mounting debts, has exacerbated economic woes, leading to a severe downturn that has left the island nation reeling.
Amidst Sri Lanka’s economic turmoil and its deepening entanglement with China, India has remained steadfast in its commitment to supporting Sri Lanka’s progress and development. Despite the economic challenges exacerbated by Chinese debt, India has continued to engage with Sri Lanka on various fronts, including infrastructure projects, trade agreements, and cultural exchanges.
India’s steadfast commitment to providing assistance to its neighbouring countries is exemplified by its robust allocation of resources through the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA). With a significant increase in the budget allocation for the fiscal year 2024-25, the MEA received a total of ₹22,154 crore, a substantial increase from the previous year’s outlay of ₹18,050 crore. This allocation reflects India’s unwavering dedication to its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy, with a focus on bolstering ties and fostering development across the region. Notably, Bhutan received the largest share of the aid portfolio, with an allocation of ₹2,068 crore, underscoring the special relationship between the two countries. This substantial investment reaffirms India’s commitment to supporting Bhutan’s socio-economic development and reinforces the longstanding bonds of friendship and cooperation. Additionally, India’s continued allocation of ₹100 crore for the development of the Chabahar Port highlights its commitment to enhancing connectivity and trade links with Iran, further exemplifying its proactive approach to regional engagement and cooperation.
This is not being argued that India is an absolute force of benevolence providing assistance to anybody and everybody without a political roadmap; that is not how international relations play out. India is carefully and pragmatically playing its cards and asserting its position in South Asia as well as the world, and providing aid and assistance to weaker neighbouring countries is one of the methods to do so. In fact, a lot of aid and investment provided to countries like Maldives, Sri Lanka and Nepal is a way to counter China’s growing influence in South Asia. However, India is neither harassing its neighbours with unannounced maritime drills in the waters nor is it building unauthorised military bases on the land and nor is it trying to sabotage a country’s economy by devious debt traps. So, when Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu is getting close to a country like China, which employs all the aforesaid tactics to some extent, it does not deem fit to directly or indirectly call India a “bully” which is only asserting its position through investment, assistance and cultural exchanges.
The writer takes special interest in history, culture and geopolitics. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost_’s views._