South Korean democracy: Vulnerable yet resilient

Nothing could have prepared the people of South Korea and their well-wishers abroad for the bizarre political drama that unfolded late in the evening on Tuesday, December 3. In a totally unexpected development that stunned the nation and the world, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol declared the imposition of martial law and then went on to rescind it within a few hours.

The move, he explained, had become necessary as the National Assembly had become a “den of criminals”. It was paralysing the functioning of his government, initiating impeachment motions, intimidating judges and prosecutors, turning Korea into a drug paradise, and withholding funds even for core services and functioning of his administration.

For good measure, he also evoked the threat from “North Korean communist forces” and the “pro-North Korean anti-state forces” to the nation. He promised to “rebuild and defend” South Korea from ruin as soon as possible.

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Some 200-300 troops were deployed at the National Assembly immediately following the imposition of martial law. Thousands of people converged at the Assembly to oppose the troops and support the parliamentarians, resulting in minor clashes. However, despite the military’s half-hearted efforts to prevent this, 190 of the 300 members of the National Assembly managed to convene a session swiftly.

In a unanimous vote, they rejected the move and demanded immediate revocation of martial law. The opposition leader Lee Jae-myung called the imposition “illegal and unconstitutional”. Significantly, the lawmakers of President Yoon’s party also supported the Assembly’s motion.

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President Yoon relented straightaway in another address to the nation, saying that the troops were withdrawn, and the martial law would be lifted immediately. Nonetheless, he called upon the National Assembly to immediately stop its “reckless actions” that paralyse the functions of the state.

Though the martial law lasted only six hours, the country has experienced it over a dozen times and for prolonged periods throughout its history. South Korea is now a vibrant democracy, but it took three decades of struggle and bloodshed to achieve this status. Syngman Rhee, the first President who took office in 1948, became increasingly authoritarian, persecuting opposition, manipulating elections, and declaring martial law to maintain power.

A student-led uprising in April 1960 led to Rhee’s ouster. This event sparked a series of pro-democracy protests culminating in the June 1987 Democracy Movement, which successfully forced the government to implement constitutional reforms and reinstate direct presidential elections. However, it took another six years for President Kim Young-sam to assume office and complete the democratic transition process.

Despite these advancements, South Korean politics have remained volatile. Between 1988 and 2017, four of the country’s seven presidents were imprisoned on various charges after leaving office, though they were eventually pardoned. Another Korean President, Roh Moo-hyun, who served until 2008, tragically committed suicide while under investigation for corruption.

Yoon Suk Yeol started his career as a prosecutor in 1994 and rose to become the Prosecutor General of South Korea in 2019, a position he held until 2021. He gained a reputation as an anti-corruption crusader. Despite a lack of political experience, he contested and won the presidential election in 2022, albeit with the narrowest margin in South Korea’s history—a mere 0.73 per cent.

He began his term in May 2022 with an approval rating of 52 per cent, a relatively modest start for a new president, and pledged to lead an open and transparent administration. However, he struggled to find his footing due to significant political challenges, policy controversies, and public dissatisfaction with perceived administrative missteps.

Early in his presidency, the Itaewon Halloween tragedy on October 29, 2022, resulted in 159 deaths and numerous injuries. The administration’s response was widely criticized as inadequate, with Yoon himself perceived as lacking empathy.

Scandals involving First Lady Kim Keon Hee further tarnished Yoon’s reputation. These include illegally accepting a luxury handbag, stock manipulation for personal gain, and influence peddling in the selection of a parliamentary by-election candidate.

Additionally, Yoon’s mother-in-law was sentenced to prison for forging financial documents in a real estate deal. Rather than addressing these issues directly, Yoon attempted to downplay them, even vetoing bills proposed by the National Assembly to investigate his wife’s actions.

Yoon’s foreign policy decisions, including efforts to normalise relations with Japan and a hardline stance toward North Korea, were met with mixed reactions from the Korean public.

However, his most critical failure has been the fundamental inability to collaborate with the opposition Democratic Party, which has held a majority in the National Assembly since May 2022. Instead of seeking mutual accommodation, Yoon adopted a confrontational approach ordering investigations into the party leader’s alleged past corruption.

In retaliation, the Democratic Party blocked Yoon’s labour, education, and pension reforms; initiated impeachment proceedings against senior government officials; and reduced budgetary allocations.

The April 2024 elections further strengthened the Democratic Party’s position, securing 175 out of 300 seats in the National Assembly. This increased majority has made it even more challenging for Yoon to implement his agenda.

By the end of November, Yoon’s approval rating had plummeted to below 19%. The Korean public was grappling with a rising cost of living, and a six-month-long doctors’ strike had strained medical services. Yoon found himself increasingly constrained in acting due to the ongoing political deadlock.

It was this mounting frustration that drove him to precipitate the December 3 crisis. The South Korean president has the authority under Article 77 of the Constitution to declare martial law under certain circumstances. At the same time, the National Assembly is empowered to demand the lifting of martial law through a majority vote, which the president must comply with.

However, this move went against the letter and spirit of the Constitution, as these powers are meant to be used to deal with genuine national emergencies rather than domestic political challenges.

Even though martial law has been revoked, many questions remain unanswered. What did President Yoon intend to do with the emergency powers? When was this decision made, and who other than the Defense Minister was part of the plot? Surely, a strong pushback from both the opposition and the public would have been anticipated. If so, what unnerved the president enough to annul martial law? Was it the resolution passed by the National Assembly or was it the realization that the military might not fully support his actions?

According to reports, President Yoon intended to arrest key political leaders and impose media censorship. However, with only the Defence Minister and perhaps no one else being privy to his plans, preparations for a swift crackdown were impossible. In this era of instant communication, the public and opposition leaders mobilised rapidly, outpacing the security establishment’s ability to implement the martial law orders.

Going by information available till date, it appears that this decision may have been impulsive and not thoroughly thought out. If this is true, it reinforces the widespread impression that he is a political novice struggling to navigate the complexities of governance.

President Yoon has since apologised to the nation and given assurance that no further effort to impose martial law would be made. However, this is unlikely to assuage the growing popular anger against him. Demands for his resignation are intensifying by the hour.

The combined opposition, with 192 lawmakers, is determined to impeach him and is attempting to secure the support of 8 members of the ruling People Power Party (PPP) to achieve the two-thirds majority required to pass the motion. So far, the PPP has been resistant; however, given the prevailing public sentiment, it would come as no surprise if some members break ranks and vote with the opposition.

In any event, Yoon’s presidency appears irreparably damaged. He may linger in office for some time, but will find it virtually impossible to recover his political standing. The likelihood of finding any common ground compromise with the opposition, whom he previously labelled a “den of criminals”, is essentially non-existent.

South Korean democracy, though bruised, has emerged stronger from this assault. Credit goes to the people and parliamentarians for rising to the occasion and defending it. This episode serves as a warning and a lesson: no matter how deep-rooted or seemingly robust a democracy may be, it requires constant nurturing. Nothing can be taken for granted.

The author is a foreign affairs specialist and an ex-envoy to Canada and South Korea. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views .