Sergio Gor in Delhi: Testing time for Bharat amid Trumpian pressure

The appointment of Sergio Gor, a close confidante of US President Donald Trump, as the new American ambassador to Bharat marks the beginning of what could become one of the most consequential phases in Indo-American relations in decades. Trump’s announcement on Truth Social was blunt and characteristically Trumpian. Calling Gor “a great friend, who has been at my side for many years”, Trump left little doubt that Gor’s mission in Bharat is to “deliver” what the President wants.

This framing of Trump’s statement departs sharply from traditional diplomatic practice, where ambassadors are typically introduced as bridge-builders between the two countries, strengthening partnerships and fostering cooperation. Gor’s selection signals a one-way delivery of objectives: “To deliver on my Agenda and help us, MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN,” as Trump wrote on Truth Social.

Gor’s appointment underscores his role as a political loyalist rather than a seasoned envoy with the acumen to shape Bharat-US ties through diplomatic interventions. In the past, US envoys like John Kenneth Galbraith—appointed under President John F Kennedy—played a decisive role in shaping bilateral relations, often advocating Bharat’s perspectives in Washington. Sadly, neither is Gor a Galbraith nor Trump a Kennedy.

Gor certainly has Trump’s ear. His access to the White House is undeniable. But he also knows that he exists because of Trump, who is prone to listening to what he wants to hear. One suspects Gor could become his master’s voice in Delhi, carrying a ready script from Washington—or worse, he might be tempted to bolster Trumpian idiosyncrasies.

The biggest concern with Gor’s appointment lies in the bigger mandate Trump has assigned him: Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs. The structuring of Trump’s announcement makes this sound like a more important role than that of Ambassador to Bharat. This should worry Delhi. The Obama administration in 2009 attempted something similar when it wanted to appoint Richard Holbrooke as special representative for Bharat, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Delhi protested strongly, with then Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon warning US officials that the move to club Bharat with Pakistan “could negatively affect the gains in our bilateral relationship made over the past eight years”.

Delhi feared Trump’s move would equate Delhi with Pakistan, something it has always detested. More importantly, there were concerns it could be used to meddle in the Kashmir issue. Given Trump’s growing affinity with Pakistani generals and his obsession with the Nobel Peace Prize, these apprehensions are far from unfounded.

Trump’s mercurial and often offensive conduct—sold to his constituency as a transactional approach—has already undone more than two decades of painstaking American diplomacy that could successfully transform Bharat from a hesitant partner into a strategic ally. All this while, a rare bipartisan consensus prevailed in Washington: Bharat was central to America’s Indo-Pacific strategy and a vital counterweight to China’s rise.

This policy has now been upended. Trump, citing Russian oil, slapped a 50 per cent tariff on Bharat—the highest in the world alongside Brazil—even though China buys more Russian oil and the European Union remains the top consumer of Russian gas. Trump’s strategy appears aimed at making an example out of Bharat, expecting Delhi to rush to the White House seeking concessions.

Instead, Delhi barely reacted. Far from the Prime Minister making a personal call—a new Trumpian norm in diplomatic parlance—Bharat chose an External Affairs Ministry official to issue a matter-of-fact response. The more Trump became angry, if not abusive, the more restrained and determined became Bharat’s response. NSA Ajit Doval and EAM S Jaishankar visited Russia, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi is now scheduled to visit China after six years.

The Americans have for long struggled to understand the Bharatiya mindset. Trump is no exception. While he may treat European leaders as vessel-like subordinates, lining up at the White House to please Emperor Donald, Bharat’s public opinion will not tolerate a prime minister being treated that way. This stems from Bharat’s civilisational consciousness: They believe they have survived Arabs, Mughals, and the British—and will survive the Americans too. This too shall pass!

This doesn’t mean that Bharat is averse to pragmatism or negotiated settlements. Even on tariffs, the delegation from Bharat was among the first to arrive in Washington, leading to a deal that initially satisfied American negotiators. But Trump, with his headline-driven approach, soon demanded more concessions. The rest, as they say, is history.

Dealing with the Dragon

Any turbulence in Bharat-US relations presents a strategic opportunity for China. Despite unresolved border disputes with Bharat, Beijing has pushed for trade and development relations. China’s objective has been to prevent Bharat from emerging as a credible counterbalance. Today, as Trump is alienating Bharat with his short-sighted, ‘transactional’ policies, Beijing is on an overdrive to exploit the rift with symbolic gestures of goodwill, all while safeguarding its own geostrategic dominance. Wang Yi’s recent visits to Bharat, Pakistan, and Afghanistan highlight this strategy perfectly—“the more China changes, the more it remains the same.”

Some strategists, alarmed by Trump’s unpredictability, push for a potential Bharat-China-Russia axis as an eastern counterweight to US influence. However, this vision is fraught with contradictions. While Moscow remains a trusted partner, Beijing continues to look at Bharat as a competitor.

The time is thus ripe for Bharat to pursue innovative diplomacy, engaging constructively with both the US and China without compromising its national interests. Simultaneously, Bharat should focus on strengthening its economic and military capabilities and diversifying alliances to avoid overdependence on any single power.

Delhi may find itself squeezed at the moment, but it remains the swing state every major global power seeks to court. Eventually, Washington will realise its strategic value when the diminishing returns of Trump’s tariff warfare become clear. Until then, it must remain patient and steadfast.

The bad news is that Delhi must be prepared to deal with the possibility of more Trumpian assaults, through the agency of Sergio Gor. The good news is that if Bharat remains organised and confident, it can turn this challenge into an opportunity. The path to global influence has never been without slippery slopes. Bharat would only emerge stronger out of this Trumpian experience.

Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.