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In a move reminiscent of an underdog surging forward in an Eagles-versus-Chiefs Super Bowl final, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2025 visit to Washington looked like a scramble. In a meeting charged not just with policy but with palpable personal chemistry.
The two leaders signalled that their nations were ready to reshape a decades-old partnership for the MAGA (Make America Great Again) challenge.
Modi entered the fray with a quiet, confident resolve, much like a football team underestimated on paper yet executing a bold, unexpected strategy. This calm determination was matched by Trump’s characteristic warmth—a personal touch that underscored his own appreciation for leaders who, like him, value a strong personal rapport.
On the defence front, the meeting delivered a clear message: hardware still matters. India ordered six new P-8I maritime patrol aircraft—a linchpin for its anti-submarine warfare and maritime domain emblematic of its growing confidence in American technology. This deal is more than a mere transaction; it signals a commitment to safeguarding regional waters and fortifying India’s strategic posture.
Energy discussions aimed at balancing India’s trade surplus. Now the US is very far from India, but by promising $25 billion of oil and gas imports over a decade, India wants to signal accommodation. Insisting on the inclusion of carriage costs is likely. New Delhi aims to leverage declining prices—propelled by US lobbying for an OPEC price drop—to not only secure a bargain but also bolster its negotiating clout with the cartel.
In parallel, nuclear energy emerged as a crucial frontier. Building on the framework of the nuclear agreement signed during Manmohan Singh’s tenure, India is charting a path towards a future powered by small modular reactors. Yet, the devil is in the details: progress hinges on whether Washington will share cutting-edge tech and if New Delhi can expedite reforms to its nuclear liability laws.
Impact Shorts
More ShortsEqually noteworthy was the discussion surrounding India’s electric vehicle sector and Tesla’s imminent entry into the market. The equations have shifted since earlier flirtations with the idea of Tesla manufacturing locally. In this new calculus, Elon Musk, whose entrepreneurial style has often drawn comparisons to a modern-day robber baron, could well find in India a fertile ground—provided the government offers production-linked relaxations in tariffs and reconsiders existing subsidies for electric vehicles. At nearly 170 per cent, Indian car tariffs on luxury cars are simply unsustainable.
F35: The lightning long shot
India has never bought a US fighter aircraft, although it came near a deal in the early 1960s. India does not trust US restrictions on use and values its strategic autonomy. However, with just 30 squadrons, a full 2/3 of them more than 20 years old, the IAF is caught in a jam. Its homemade LCA is not coming in scalable numbers for a decade. It faces China with its 5th generation fighters, and some of them may end up being bought by Pakistan.
Having said that, it is still unlikely that India will buy the F-35 in a hurry, given its unit lifetime cost of $100 million. The US too will have reservations since India, like Turkey, another customer, operates the Russian S400 missile. India is unlikely to see the world’s best and costliest fighter plane in its force. There is, however, the question: How does IAF stop the gap? Does the US offer a price discount? The outside chance remains.
The summit’s overarching narrative, however, was not one of isolated deals but of a comprehensive, multifaceted partnership. Both nations emerged from the discussions as trusted partners rather than prizefighters. Modi’s bold gambit—to slow targeted tariffs and instead embed fair trade principles within a structured bilateral deal—signals a broader strategy that encompasses an investment guarantee treaty, increased defence procurement, and concessions on US manufactured goods, even as India remains resolute on not caving in on any single issue. This is not going to be a pushover.
Indeed, the economic stakes are high. In 2023-24, the US was India’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade in goods reaching $119.71 billion—both leaders have set a target of $500 billion. With India’s market and US capital, this is possible. India is counting on Modi’s flexibility and Trump’s pragmatism. Stick around; this could be fun!
The writer is a senior journalist with expertise in defence. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.
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