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PM Modi’s China visit: Strategic engagement, not a reaction to Trumpian storm
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  • PM Modi’s China visit: Strategic engagement, not a reaction to Trumpian storm

PM Modi’s China visit: Strategic engagement, not a reaction to Trumpian storm

Imran Khurshid • August 31, 2025, 15:31:51 IST
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The prime minister’s visit to China is the continuation of a long-term, carefully calibrated strategy aimed at normalising relations, managing border and economic issues, and ensuring regional stability, and is not a reactionary policy

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PM Modi’s China visit: Strategic engagement, not a reaction to Trumpian storm
Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the SCO Summit in Tianjin, China, on Sunday. Image: X/@MEA

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to China after seven years comes at a crucial geopolitical moment. His earlier meeting with President Xi Jinping at the Brics summit in Kazan, Russia, facilitated by President Vladimir Putin, marked an important step in rebuilding India-China relations following the Galwan Valley clash, which claimed the lives of 20 Indian soldiers.

The Kazan meeting allowed both leaders to discuss mechanisms for disengagement along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), restore dialogue channels, and lay the groundwork for broader cooperation, signalling a gradual normalisation of ties amid complex regional and global dynamics.

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Since the Kazan summit, both countries have made significant progress toward normalising ties. India and China have reached several understandings regarding border management and other bilateral issues, including the 2024 India-China Border Patrol Agreement, finalised on October 21, 2024, which restored pre-2020 patrolling rights in critical areas and established buffer zones to prevent confrontations.

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Following the deterioration of relations after Galwan, New Delhi had taken measures against China, including banning certain Chinese apps, suspending direct flights, and restricting strategic Chinese investments in sectors critical to national security, such as telecommunications.

Recently, as part of the 24th round of India-China border talks aimed at further normalising relations, both countries agreed to reopen key border trade routes and expand the Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage. Border trade will resume at locations including Shipki La, Lipulekh, and Nathu La, facilitating the movement of goods and boosting regional economies. Religious and cultural exchanges are also set to be expanded, notably with the Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage from 2026, allowing more devotees to undertake this sacred journey. Discussions regarding the resumption of direct flights between India and China are ongoing, with preparations reportedly underway for operations possibly starting as early as September 2025.

There is also speculation about platforms like TikTok potentially re-entering the Indian market, as the platform’s website has become accessible to some Indian users, though the mobile app remains unavailable and no official statement has been made. These steps reflect a steady process of engagement and normalisation rather than a sudden policy shift.

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Despite this, some Western analysts have mischaracterised India’s engagement as opportunistic, suggesting that Modi is “playing one side against the other” in response to US tariffs. Such interpretations overlook the realities of India’s foreign policy and geographic context.

China, as India’s large and proximate neighbour with whom it shares a long border and complex disputes, cannot be ignored. Engaging China is a necessity for regional stability, economic development, and managing bilateral disputes. It is not “cosying up” but a pragmatic, strategic effort to normalise relations—a process that began before the deterioration of ties with the US started.

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By contrast, the United States—despite being India’s strategic partner—has demonstrated unpredictable foreign policy behaviour, frequently shifting its positions and, in recent months, appearing to seek warmer ties with Beijing. India’s engagement with China, therefore, is consistent, long-term, and based on geopolitical realities rather than opportunistic calculations.

In fact, the US today has a far greater economic engagement with China, with trade relations significantly deeper than those between India and China. In 2024, US-China trade totalled approximately $658.9 billion, comprising $438.7 billion in imports from China and $143.2 billion in exports to China.

Moreover, there has been increased outreach by the US toward China under President Donald Trump. Recently, Trump stated that he has a “very good” relationship with Xi and emphasised that he is “looking forward to a visit to China” in the near future. This is evident from his posts on his social media platform, Truth Social, highlighting his eagerness, while critics continue to blame India for its pragmatic engagement with its neighbour.

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Historically, India has followed a policy of strategic autonomy and non-alignment, dating back to Prime Minister Nehru’s vision in the early 1950s. Its relationships with major powers—including Russia, from which approximately 36 per cent of India’s defence equipment was sourced between 2020 and 2024, according to Sipri—are shaped by long-term strategic considerations rather than short-term convenience, reflecting geopolitical complexities and realities.

Even during the Cold War, India’s moves were not opportunistic; they were guided by this policy of strategic autonomy and non-alignment, established in the 1950s. Viewing India’s foreign policy beyond a binary perspective helps one understand this approach. Even today, India’s efforts to resolve differences with China contribute to regional stability while maintaining its independent strategic judgement.

India’s international partnerships are not exclusive. Membership in groups like the SCO and other multilateral forums enhances India’s ability to safeguard national interests in an uncertain world. Drawing on principles from Kautilya’s Arthashastra and its historical experience, India has consistently followed a strategy of hedging its bets: diversifying partnerships while maintaining strategic autonomy.

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Meanwhile, the United States has itself proved to be an unreliable partner for India, imposing 50 per cent tariffs while simultaneously seeking closer ties with China and reversing key elements of its national security and Indo-Pacific strategies, thereby undermining its own grand strategic vision and credibility.

US analysts and strategic thinkers who now label India as opportunistic should revisit their own policy frameworks, examine the repeated inconsistencies in American strategy, and reflect on how US actions have often compromised its stated objectives. India’s engagement, by contrast, is guided by enduring regional realities and the imperative of stability, not reactionary policy.

In sum, PM Modi’s visit to China is the continuation of a long-term, carefully calibrated strategy aimed at normalising relations, managing border and economic issues, and ensuring regional stability. It reflects India’s principled, realistic, and consistent approach to foreign policy—not ‘opportunism’ or short-term manoeuvring.

Imran Khurshid is a visiting research fellow at the International Centre for Peace Studies, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.

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