Israeli attack on Hamas leadership in Qatar shatters myth of US protective shield for Gulf nations

Around 64,000 Gazans had been killed, famine had gripped Gaza, about 13,000 children were severely malnourished, 90 per cent of homes were destroyed and 1.9 million people were displaced.

An unrelenting Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, was planning to launch a massive ground operation against Gaza City to wipe out the remaining Hamas members.

US President Donald Trump was desperate for an Israeli-Hamas ceasefire to end the two-year war.

Finally, the US, in agreement with Israel and without providing guidelines for resuming talks or a complete ceasefire plan, offered another proposal to Hamas.

According to the proposal, Hamas would immediately release all 48 hostages, Israel would freeze its planned assault on Gaza City and both sides would start a dialogue to end the war.

On September 7, Hamas said that it was ready to negotiate provided Israel ended the war and withdrew from Gaza.

On the same day, Trump claimed on Truth Social: “The Israelis have accepted my Terms. It is time for Hamas to accept as well.” Warning the terrorist group, he added: “I have warned Hamas about the consequences of not accepting. This is my last warning, there will not be another one!”

Moments later, Netanyahu said, “Israel is seriously considering President Trump’s proposal; it appears Hamas will continue its refusal.”

Qatar went into action. The steadfast American ally in the Gulf, the chief negotiator between Israel and Hamas, had played a significant role in attempting to broker ceasefires between the warring sides.

On September 8, Qatari PM Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al-Thani huddled with Hamas’s chief negotiator Khalil Al-Hayya in Doha. Later that night, Qatari officials called Israelis and the discussion continued till 5 am the next day.

Netanyahu had other plans—like the sudden blitzkrieg on Iran’s nuclear plants as the US and Iran were engaged in designing a new N-deal.

On September 9, at 3.46 pm, 10 air-launched ballistic missiles (ALBMs) launched by eight Israeli F-15s and four F-35s 1,500 km from the Red Sea, across Saudi airspace, hit a residential compound next to the Woqod petrol station, on Wadi Rawdan Street, in Doha’s Leqtaifiya district. Five Hamas political bureau members, including Al-Hayya’s son, and a Qatari security official were killed.

Stunned, Betrayed Qatar Kept in Dark by the US

The Israeli attack’s ingenuity and sophistication startled Qatar, which boasts an excellent air defence system comprising the American MIM-104 Patriot surface-to-air missile system, the Norwegian National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System, the British Rapier and the German Roland. Qatar will also acquire the US Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (Thaad) as part of the $42 billion deal signed during Trump’s May visit.

In June, Qatar proved the effectiveness of its multilayered air defence by knocking down 7 Iranian ballistic missiles over the Persian Gulf and another 11 over Doha of the 19 fired by Iran at Al-Udeid Air Base.

Israel was a different ballgame.

Israel has three known ALBMs: Anchor, Rampage and Rocks. Ballistic missiles differ from cruise missiles, which are slower but manoeuvrable. A ballistic missile, on the other hand, follows a fixed trajectory and descends towards the target at a much greater speed, making it much harder for an air defence system to intercept it.

ALBMs, fired by a fighter/bomber jet, a strategic bomber or even a cargo plane, have greater advantages. The jet can be quickly deployed at different ranges and altitudes, has a longer-range capability and can launch the missile beyond the range of air defence systems from a flexible position, making detection almost impossible.

Besides Israel, only Russia and China have such long-range ALBMs, which can carry both conventional and nuclear warheads for strategic and tactical strikes.

According to reports, Israel probably used the Anchor missiles—whose range is unknown—as the Hamas members were targeted from as far as the Red Sea, and the Rampage can only be launched from about 150 km.

The attack also questioned Qatar’s sovereignty and, most importantly, the effectiveness and the protection guaranteed to a major non-Nato ally.

Barely four months ago, during Trump’s visit, the two countries signed an agreement to generate an economic exchange worth, at least, $1.2 trillion. The economic deals were worth more than $243.5 billion, including the sale of Boeing aircraft (Dreamliners and 777Xs) and GE Aerospace engines to Qatar Airways.

US defence giant Raytheon secured a $1 billion agreement for selling FS-LIDS counter-drone capabilities to Qatar and General Atomics secured a nearly $2 billion agreement for the sale of MQ-9B drones.

The decades-old US-Qatar ties, which even weathered the 2017 diplomatic crisis, have only grown stronger in the last couple of years. The tiny Gulf state, which hosts the largest American military base in West Asia (Middle East), took American protection for granted, resulting in the breach of its sovereignty.

The attack is also a betrayal for Qatar, which played a pivotal role in bringing Israeli and Hamas negotiators to the table, an effort praised by Trump.

The most jolting fact was how Trump kept Qatar in the dark.

The Israeli plan was in the works for around two months—obviously, with the US aware and approving the strike.

A day after the attack, Trump, who avoided criticising Israel directly, claimed that the attack was Tel Aviv’s unilateral decision with Washington unaware.

However, an Axios scoop revealed that Netanyahu informed Trump 51 minutes—at 8 am D.C. time—before the attack. Though the White House claimed to have been notified only after missiles were launched, seven Israeli officials said that Trump was already aware of the impending missile strikes.

According to the Israeli officials, Trump was aware of the attack plan and could have stopped Netanyahu—and he would have aborted the attack.

However, Trump again denied having been informed by Netanyahu after the Axios report. “No, no, they [Israel] didn’t,” he told reporters. The White House instead claimed that Qatar was informed about the attack in advance.

Israeli Attack Exposes Gulf Nations’ Helplessness

Israel never takes out targets in foreign nations, especially via airstrikes, without US knowledge and approval. The best example was the Israeli blitzkrieg against Iran in June—an operation that was being planned for eight months since the Iranian attack on Israel in October 2024.

Trump again kept Iran in the dark while his Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, was negotiating with the Iranians for a new nuclear deal.

In public, the White House was in denial mode about the strike, but had approved it in private, according to an Axios report.

Two Israeli officials claimed that Israel “had a clear US green light” and the operation, in fact, was conducted in coordination with Washington. However, like Trump claimed that Israel acted unilaterally in attacking Qatar, his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, made the same claim about Operation Rising Lion.

There’s a difference between the two attacks.

Iran, a state sponsor of terrorism, is the arch-rival of Israel and the US but Qatar is an American ally.

The attack has exposed the vulnerability of Gulf nations. Alliance with the US doesn’t guarantee immunity from an Israeli attack—not even American criticism.

Gulf nations are now aware of this bitter fact. Despite the Israeli aggression, they haven’t criticised the US and only slammed Israel.

First, in an exclusive interview with CNN, Al-Thani termed the Israeli attack “barbaric” and “state terror”. “We were thinking that we were dealing with civilised people. That’s the way we are dealing with others. And the action that (Netanyahu) took—I cannot describe it, but it’s a barbaric action.”

Despite Al-Thani’s adviser and foreign ministry spokesperson Majed Al Ansari earlier dismissing the US claim that Qatar was informed about the attack as “baseless”, the Qatari PM avoided mentioning how the US was aware of the Israeli plan. “I’m following up with all the US officials in order to see what kind of actions can be taken as we speak,” he said.

Second, Al-Thani also said that Gulf countries will respond collectively to the Israeli strike. “There is a response that will happen from the region. This response is currently under consultation and discussion with other partners in the region. We are hoping for something meaningful that deters Israel from continuing this bullying.”

However, it was all bluster and no bite—even Al-Thani was aware of the fact that any retaliation against Israel would invite American wrath.

Rubio showed how Israel is America’s priority despite deep business and defence ties with the Gulf. One week after the attack, he visited Israel first to express “unconditional support” and Qatar later.

Two summits in Doha to condemn the Israeli attack and express solidarity with Qatar showed the helplessness of Gulf nations in challenging Israeli supremacy.

In the first summit, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) leaders met behind closed doors. The second summit, involving the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation—57 Arab and Muslim states—was wider and public.

According to Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg, assistant secretary general for political affairs and negotiation, GCC, since Qatar and other GCC nations are bound by the 2000 Mutual Defense Treaty, the leaders expressed “full solidarity” with Qatar and their readiness to invoke the treaty to support any measures requested by Doha.

The members directed the GCC Unified Military Command to activate “mechanisms for GCC joint defence and deterrence”. They also warned that the “wanton Israeli aggression against the brotherly state of Qatar” represented a “direct threat” to regional security and stability and undermined efforts for regional peace.

The GCC also called on the UN Security Council and its “key players” (a reference to the US) to condemn Israel’s aggression and take “decisive steps”, like sanctions, to stop and deter future Israeli aggression.

According to Aluwaisheg, America needs to take decisive action to ensure it does not happen again despite Netanyahu’s statements to the contrary.

However, both summits avoided criticising the US directly despite expressing disappointment. They ended with only words, no concrete action.

Not only Qatar but even Saudi Arabia and the UAE desisted from taking any action against Israel—mindful of its backing by the world’s most powerful military.

The GCC members—Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain—are wealthy but still depend on the US for protection and military equipment and some of them even host American bases.

During Trump’s three-nation Gulf tour in May, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE signed arms deals with the US worth $142 billion, $1.96 billion and $1.6 billion, respectively, a total investment of more than $1.4 trillion.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the US was the most important arms supplier to Bahrain, accounting for 97 per cent of imports in 2020–24, Saudi Arabia 74 per cent, Kuwait 63 per cent and Qatar 48 per cent.

For years, the US has leveraged arms exports to Gulf nations to expand its geopolitical influence in the region. Therefore, these nations have never challenged the American and Israeli superiority in the region.

Moreover, the US has military bases in several Gulf nations and other West Asian countries. The US has a broad network of military sites, permanent and temporary, in 19 locations in the region, according to the Council on Foreign Relations. The eight permanent bases are in Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

As of June, around 40,000-50,000 American troops were in the region, especially in Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, the UAE and Saudi Arabia. These bases not only protect these countries but also help the US in air and naval operations, regional logistics, intelligence gathering and force projection.

The Al Udeid Air Base, the forward headquarters for US Central Command (Centcom), houses around 100 aircraft, including fighters, surveillance, refuelling and transport, drones, the Patriot missile defence system and almost 10,000 US troops. The US has used the base to conduct operations in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan. Per the Congressional Research Service, Qatar has contributed more than $8 billion since 2003 to develop the base.

The Naval Support Activity base in Bahrain, which has around 9,000 Department of Defense personnel, including military and civilian, is home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet. provides security to ships, aircraft and remote sites in the Persian Gulf, Red Sea, Arabian Sea and parts of the Indian Ocean. It also houses the P-8 Poseidon maritime patrol and reconnaissance aircraft, EP-3E Aries II reconnaissance aircraft and Patriot missile defence systems.

Camp Arifjan in Kuwait is the primary logistics, supply and command hub for US military operations in the region. It hosts several US military installations, particularly Camp Arifjan, the forward headquarters of US Army Central under Centcom, according to the CRS report.

The Ali al-Salem Air Base houses the US 386th Air Expeditionary Wing, which delivers combat power to joint and coalition forces in the Centcom. It also hosts UAVs, including MQ-9s, and has combat airlift capabilities. Camp Buehring is used to deploy Army units in Iraq and Syria.

The Al-Dhafra Air Base in the UAE is used for reconnaissance, intelligence gathering and supporting air combat operations, including F-22 Raptors and drones. It also hosts the 380th Air Expeditionary Wing, comprising 10 aircraft squadrons and drones (MQ-9s).

American soldiers are also stationed in Saudi Arabia’s Prince Sultan Air Base, which has air defence assets like Patriot missile batteries and the Thaad. Till last year, American troops at the base numbered 2,321.

Any action against Israel will jeopardise ties with the US, especially with Trump, Israel’s biggest supporter, back in the Oval Office.

Even regarding Israel’s Gaza operation since October 2023, expanding Jewish settlements in the West Bank and the two-state solution, these nations have not taken any concrete action.

In fact, the UAE and Bahrain signed the Abraham Accords, which established diplomatic, security and economic ties between Israel and several Arab states, in September 2020. Now, Trump wants Syria, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia on board. The accords were signed in view of the common threat posed by Iran to Sunni Arab states and Israel.

The UAE was initially reluctant to sign it as Israel was planning to annex parts of the occupied West Bank. When Netanyahu postponed the plan, the UAE signed the accords.

However, now Israel’s far-right finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, has said that 82 per cent of the occupied West Bank will be annexed to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state. “Israeli sovereignty will be applied to 82 per cent of the territory,” Smotrich, the leader of the far-right Religious Zionism Party, a coalition member, recently told a press conference in Jerusalem. “It is time to apply Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria (West Bank) and remove once and for all the idea of dividing our small land,” he said.

“There will never, and can never be, a Palestinian state in our land. If the Palestinian Authority dares to rise and try to harm us, we will destroy them just as we do to Hamas,” he added.

According to a Reuters report, the UAE could downgrade diplomatic ties if Israel annexes part or all of the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Last week, the UAE decided to bar Israeli defence companies from exhibiting at the Dubai Airshow in November. But the Gulf nation hasn’t threatened to withdraw from the Abraham Accords.

The UAE’s actions or the Doha summits show the GCC’s limitations in challenging Israeli superiority and aggression in the region. The maximum these nations can do is to limit or freeze diplomatic ties with Israel. Their dependence on the US severely limits the scope of their actions against Israel.

The writer is a freelance journalist with more than two decades of experience and comments primarily on foreign affairs. He tweets as @FightTheBigots. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.