The India-US defence pact signed on October 31, 2025, is a 10-year framework agreement that aims to deepen cooperation between the two nations through enhanced coordination, information sharing, and technological collaboration in strategic affairs.
The agreement, signed by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and US Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth, is considered a cornerstone for regional stability and strengthens India’s position as a key partner of the US in the Indo-Pacific. The agreement seeks to strengthen the strategic partnership by focusing on deeper defence industrial collaboration, enhanced technological cooperation, increased information sharing and improved coordination between military forces.
The pact was signed amid trade tensions and tariff issues between the two countries, with officials on both sides emphasising its importance in resetting and strengthening the strategic partnership.
The pact is designed to provide policy direction for the entire spectrum of the India-US defence relationship and is seen as a signal of growing strategic convergence and a new decade of partnership. Both countries view the partnership as critical for ensuring a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific region.
The agreement includes plans for joint production in India of American defence equipment, such as Javelin anti-tank missiles and Stryker armoured personnel carriers. The pact also aims to deepen technological cooperation in defence and high-tech areas. It reinforces the strategic alignment between the two countries, demonstrating their ability to advance security cooperation independently of trade disputes. The deal is seen as a strategic counterweight to China’s growing influence in the region, particularly in the Indo-Pacific.
The current India-US defence framework rests on a history of steadily growing cooperation that has evolved significantly since the early 2000s. The original 10-year defence framework pact was signed in 2005 and renewed in 2015. In 2016, the US designated India as a “Major Defence Partner”, a unique status that allows India to receive licence-free access to a wide range of military and dual-use technologies. India was elevated to the Strategic Trade Authorisation Tier 1 status in 2018, further streamlining the export of high-technology items from the US.
Impact Shorts
More ShortsThis Defence Framework Pact, signed on October 30, 2025, builds upon a series of foundational agreements that enable closer military collaboration, information sharing, and technology cooperation. The primary agreements that have been signed are:
- General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA): Signed in 2002, this pact facilitates the sharing of classified military information and intelligence between the two nations, establishing protocols for its protection.
Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (Lemoa): Signed in August 2016, this agreement allows the militaries of both countries to use each other’s bases and assets for logistics support, such as refuelling, repair, and replenishment of supplies during joint operations or training exercises.
Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (Comcasa): Signed in September 2018, this pact enables India to access advanced, encrypted communication equipment from the US and facilitates secure information exchange during exercises and operations, enhancing interoperability.
Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (Beca): Signed in October 2020, BECA provides for the sharing of geospatial intelligence and information for military purposes, which is critical for navigation accuracy and targeting.
The implementation of the recent Indo-US defence pact will present a mix of significant opportunities for strategic alignment, alongside several complex challenges related to technology transfer, bureaucracy, and geopolitical dynamics.
A primary opportunity for India is enhanced access to cutting-edge US military technology, particularly in areas like AI, drones, and secure communications. This facilitates the modernisation of India’s armed forces and boosts its indigenous defence capabilities. The pact promotes collaboration in the co-production and co-development of defence equipment, supporting India’s “Make in India” initiative and diversifying its defence supply chains away from traditional partners like Russia.
More extensive joint military exercises and information sharing will improve the ability of the two militaries to work together effectively during potential humanitarian aid missions or joint operations in the Indo-Pacific. The strengthened partnership serves as a key pillar for a free and open Indo-Pacific, creating a stronger collective deterrence against potential regional aggressors and enhancing overall security cooperation.
However, the implementation of the India-US defence pact also faces several potential challenges, ranging from bureaucratic hurdles to geopolitical sensitivities. Both countries face complex bureaucratic processes and differing defence acquisition procedures. Navigating these systems can cause significant delays in joint projects and procurement. Despite the “Major Defence Partner” status, strict US export control regimes and concerns over intellectual property (IP) protection can hinder the seamless transfer of sensitive, state-of-the-art technology.
The Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (Caatsa) could also significantly impact India-US defence ties by creating a delicate balancing act between India’s national security needs and US foreign policy objectives. India maintains a policy of strategic autonomy and has historically strong ties with Russia, which complicates its alignment with the US, particularly when it comes to issues like sanctions and arms purchases.
The ongoing S-400 deal remains a major point of contention. While the US has so far avoided imposing sanctions on India, the threat remains a persistent point of friction, influencing both countries’ strategic decisions.
Caatsa mandates sanctions on countries engaging in significant defence transactions with Russia. India’s purchase of the S-400 Triumf air defence missile system from Russia falls squarely under this purview. The US has the authority to grant a national security waiver, which it has used so far to exempt India from sanctions. However, this waiver is discretionary and requires annual certification from the US President, making the situation inherently political and subject to changes in the US administration’s foreign policy priorities.
The US has publicly stated its “serious concerns” about India’s purchase of the S-400 Triumf air defence missile system from Russia and has urged India to avoid “significant new investments” in Russian military equipment.
In essence, Caatsa acts as a geopolitical tightrope that India must walk. The agreement could create tensions in India-US defence relations, as it mandates sanctions against countries engaged in “significant transactions” with Russia’s defence and intelligence sectors.
Caatsa has not derailed the relationship till now, but it remains a significant potential obstacle that requires ongoing diplomatic effort and the use of presidential waiver authority to prevent serious damage to the burgeoning India-US strategic partnership.
Although trust between India and the US is growing, there can still be concerns regarding reliability, particularly in times of crisis. Ensuring a consistent supply chain and long-term commitment is crucial for sustained defence cooperation. Differences in legal frameworks, particularly concerning end-user monitoring agreements and liability issues for jointly produced equipment, need to be fully resolved for smooth implementation.
Successfully navigating these challenges will be essential to fully leverage the opportunities presented by the India-US defence pact and realise its potential to transform the strategic landscape of the Indo-Pacific.
Summing up, the recent India-US framework agreement is a significant step in strengthening bilateral strategic ties and boosting industrial and technological cooperation in the defence sector. The agreement signifies a new phase in the partnership, with both nations prioritising security cooperation and reaffirming India as a priority partner in America’s vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific.
However, the looming threat of Caatsa makes India’s defence planning and long-term cooperation with the US inherently vulnerable to changes in the political climate, though the absence of sanctions till now reflects the strategic importance the US places on its relationship with India in the Indo-Pacific.
(The writer is a retired Indian diplomat and had previously served as Ambassador in Kuwait and Morocco and as Consul General in New York. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)
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