How rainbow Hindu consolidation is X-factor in BJP victory in Haryana

In its halcyon days, the Congress presented a rainbow leadership which tried to take together all the communities and castes. Post-Mandal, with the rise of caste-based parties, the Congress faced a setback. The situation for the party worsened with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) working overtime to present an all-representative ‘Hindu’ face.

To retrieve the lost ground, the Congress has tried to project itself as a ‘caste-conscious’ party, which may have brought some gains for it as seen in the last Lok Sabha polls, but not enough to get electorally better of the BJP yet. If this proposition needs an endorsement, the Haryana polls results are the best example.

The Congress pushed ahead with the predominance of the Jat community; it got its support too. However, this isolated the party among other communities. The coming together of Jat and minority votes were not enough to see the party through. Silently, the BJP also targeted and got significant Dalit votes in the state, especially by highlighting the alleged sidelining of Kumari Selja by the Congress leadership in order to favour Bhupinder Singh Hooda.

As the campaign in the Haryana elections reached a crescendo, the BJP was finding it increasingly difficult to overcome the 10-year-long anti-incumbency factor. With the Congress increasing the competitive tempo and the smaller parties not being able to cut much ice during the campaign, it turned into a complete bipolar fight.

With the BJP unable to find an answer to the Congress push on unemployment and poor state of development, alleging Haryana being turned into a ‘sick’ state, the party leadership quietly deployed the services of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath in a desperate fight to save turf in the last phase of campaign.

Adityanath was given two responsibilities: One, consolidate Hindu votes in the communally sensitive south Haryana constituencies; and, two, influence opinion in other districts neighbouring Uttar Pradesh. There are at least 25 out of 90 constituencies in Haryana, which touch borders with Uttar Pradesh. These constituencies being, Yamunanagar district (Jagadhri, Yamunanagar), Karnal district (Karnal, Gharaunda), Panipat district (Panipat Rural, Panipat City, and Israna), Sonipat district (Ganaur, Rai, Sonipat, and Kharkhoda), Faridabad district (Faridabad, Badkhal, Tigaon, and Ballabhgarh), Palwal district (Palwal, Hathin, and Hodal), Gurugram district (Gurugram, Pataudi, and Sohna) and Mewat (Nuh) district (Punhana, Nuh, and Ferozepur Jhirka).

Add to them a few more seats of south Haryana, taking the tally to 30 seats. Of these 30-odd seats the Congress managed to win just Jagadhari, Nuh and Ferozepur Jhirka. The winning candidates on all the three seats belong to the minority community, showing a complete polarisation on religious lines.

However, this polarisation did not prove to be counter-productive for the BJP as it won 26 out of these 30 seats with one going to an independent. It’s here that the script of the hat-trick of victories for the saffron party was written, with more than 50 per cent of its winning seats coming from these districts.

Given the context, the public meetings of the UP chief minister was increased, especially in the areas along the Grand Trunk Road which neighbour Uttar Pradesh with river Yamuna flowing between the two states and in districts like Faridabad and Mewat (Nuh) of south Haryana, which are prone to communal flare-ups.

Many of these districts near the UP border have a significant population among whom Yogi Adityanath’s appeal resonated especially with regards to governance he has provided in Uttar Pradesh. Between September 22 and 30, he held 21 public meetings, which helped energise the BJP’s core voter base in these regions.

Not to forget that these voters were lying demoralised after the Lok Sabha poll results. Yogi Adityanath’s influence helped in consolidating substantial non-Jat voters, who were drawn by his strong political messaging and his government’s focus on law enforcement. Given the socio-cultural connections and shared border, his speeches struck a chord with the people in these border constituencies, improving the BJP’s chances tremendously in this belt.

While his image as a strong administrator had its effect in such areas, in other regions his visage of being a strong Hindutva leader too played its role. Towards the end of campaign in Faridabad, the UP CM brought around rebel leader Bittu Bajrangi on the BJP candidate’s stage.

Bajrangi was arrested last August for his role in the July 31 Nuh violence, though he was released on bail the same month. He heads a group called Gau Raksha Bajrang Force and had claimed to have earlier been part of Vishwa Hindus Parishad’s youth wing Bajrang Dal.

On being ignored by the party, he had put up rebel candidates, which were damaging the BJP’s prospects. Bajrangi’s influence can be gauged from the fact that after his brother’s death earlier this year from burns, after allegedly being set on fire last December, then Haryana CM Manohar Lal visited his home to express condolences.

Given Haryana’s proximity to Uttar Pradesh, many people, especially district level leaders, have both business and matrimonial relations in the state. Through their business and family networks they look to find traction with the UP leader. No wonder, the BJP ran an electoral riot on the legendary GT Road.

Sidharth Mishra is author and president, Centre for Reforms, Development and Justice. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.