How farmers’ protest 2.0 is taking a dangerous turn

As the Kisan Andolan 2.0 organises its big rally in Ambala to commemorate the death of Shubkaran Singh, one ought to go back to the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (ABPS), the highest decision-making body of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), for a statement suggesting that the farmers’ Andolan 2.0 is “an attempt to spread anarchy”.

Farmers, leaders, and citizenry depending on their political allegiance, believe in different sides of the story. But the real question is: can there be smoke without fire? If there isn’t, one must at least relook at the situation.

Now, when it comes to Farmers’ Andolan 2.0, many things are uncertain, including the fact that who is leading the movement? There are many “rumours” bruiting. Some are hinting at the potential infiltration of farmers’ camps by fringe fundamentalist groups at the Shambhu and Kannuri borders. But even before we begin to analyse this premise and see its potential consequences for SKM and the larger question of agrarian distress, let us see the situation as it stands now.

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When we speak of the movement, sadly, it is true that the farmers movement has now spilt up into two major factions. First being the original Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM), which is a coalition of various farmers unions, Left organisations, workers unions, etc., which led the 13-month agitation against the three farm laws and retreated once the Modi government rescinded the three laws. The second is a new splinter group comprising of two subfactions: Samyukta Kisan Morcha (non-political) (SKM-NP) along with Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM), which can be credited for galvanising the movement by giving the 13th February ‘Delhi chalo’ slogan and is currently organising the Ambala rally.

While KMM holds the Shambhu border, SKM-NP has camped at the Kannuri border. Although the cadres are intermixed, both subfactions have cadres camping at both protest sites.

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Although both SKM and SKM-(NP)- KMM, agree on common demands, their approaches are very different. SKM-NP drew first blood by taking the high road, calling themselves non-political, and overtly calling SKM a political entity, endorsing the government’s earlier stance that SKM is politically motivated.

But when it comes to proving the government right, SKM-NP and KMM are doing a much better job. First of all, the movement is mostly led by Punjabi Sikhs. The camps are highly homogenous, and the religious fervour runs high. Nihangs are present as official bodyguards of the camps and events, while the Gurudwara system offers ‘langar’ and other support for the farmer groups.

One wouldn’t put the religious core of the protest against them, as rural folk are usually conservative and have deep connections with local gurudwaras and other religious bodies, but the problem is much deeper.

Rumour has it that the ‘hardliner’ factions, also credited with breaking barriers during the farmers protest 1.0 and Red Fort incident, have taken shelter under the wings of Kisan Andolan 2.0. Many of them are entrenched in the camps. The proof, of course, is visible in plain sight.

Many of the camps and trolleys are openly displaying secessionist propaganda, including references to Khalistan. These also include pictures of Bindrewala and his associates and celebrate their martyrdom for Khalistan.

Hindus, if any, are a clear minority in the camps and are often looked at with suspicion. Most of the messaging is in ‘Punjabi’, and non-punjabi languages are rarely used.

Kisan Andolan 2.0 fails the test of inclusivity, and instead of promoting harmony between different regions, it is clearly hinting at Punjabi Sikhs first. Again, one may argue that because the cadre is predominantly from rural Punjab, it is only right that they fight for Punjabi issues first. But this is exactly playing into all the earlier allegations made by the government.

The Dangerous Turn

Capturing the vacuum generated by the retreat of SKM after December 2021, the SKM-NP is coming to the centre stage of the Kisan Andolan. They have already had two months to expand their network and appeal in other parts of Punjab and Haryana.

Haryana is new ground for them, and yet with their Kalash Yatra with the ashes of Shubkaran Singh, they have managed to win the sympathies of the agriculturists and agricultural workers. 10,000 farmers are expected to participate in the Ambala rally.

Most of the cadre of Kisan Andolan 1.0 was dimayed already with the SKM leadership over leaving Delhi’s borders too early without MSP. Kisan Andolan 2.0 has managed to capitalise on economic desperation and disgruntled cadres. An example is that all the breakaway factions from larger Punjab unions like BKU AZAD, BKU Ugrahan, etc. are taking centre stage here. It is a convergence of all the break-away subfactions, and they have taken a radical approach to protests. The leaders admittedly had to placate the cadre from further violence after Shubkaran died in police violence.

Man is a political animal, no doubt, and hence there will be political implications for Kisan Andolan 2.0 and their campaigns too. If the BJP loses the state election, and judging from their current position, they may lose it too, one can’t be sure that the next government doesn’t give the Kisan hordes at Kannuri and Shambhu free passage to Delhi.

If this happens, not only will Kisan Andolan 1.0 and SKM be completely demolished, but the hardline factions within Kisan Andolan 2.0 will also get fertile ground to grow and perhaps take over the entire movement.

The efforts of SKM will also be in vain, and finally, everything the Union government said about the Kisan Andolan will be true. Whether they will be able to get MSP for the nation will soon become a secondary question.

The author is an independent agri-policy analyst and former director – Policy and Outreach, National Seed Association of India. He tweets at @Indrassingh. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.