From ‘butcher of Tehran’ to ‘able statesman’: President Raisi’s conflicting legacy

From ‘butcher of Tehran’ to ‘able statesman’: President Raisi’s conflicting legacy

Raisi’s death elicited mixed Iranian reactions, reflecting his complex legacy. While some appreciated his foreign policy gains, others condemned his domestic crackdown on dissent and human rights violations

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From ‘butcher of Tehran’ to ‘able statesman’: President Raisi’s conflicting legacy
People mourn death of late Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, in Tehran, Iran, May 20. Source: REUTERS/WANA

The Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei appointed the first Vice President, Mohammad Mokhber, as the interim president of the Islamic Republic of Iran after the untimely death of President Ebrahim Raisi on May 19 in a helicopter crash in eastern Azerbaijan. The article traces President Raisi’s legacy in domestic and foreign policy realms, highlighting his adept navigation of the intricate landscape of international relations despite stringent sanctions imposed by Western nations and his hardline image and actions during the social and political unrest in Iran sparked by Mahsa Amini’s death while in the custody of the morality police on September 16, 2022.

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Foreign Policy Achievements of Raisi

Despite a troubled beginning due to the widespread mass demonstration sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini while under morality police custody, President Raisi managed to improve the global and regional standings in the second year of his presidency. Historically, Iranian leaders leveraged the state’s foreign policy to gain domestic credibility. Raisi continued this trend, using foreign policy successes to enhance his 2025 re-election chances and ambitions to become the next Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. Diverging from his predecessors’ more ostentatious diplomacy, the president has made substantial gains internationally, reinvigorating Iran’s global standing and fortifying regional alliances.

During President Raisi’s tenure, a notable achievement was the expedited reconciliation with the regional adversary Saudi Arabia, culminating in the Beijing agreement on March 10, 2023, facilitated by Iraq and Oman. While the precise advantages and details of this accord are still being analysed, the prompt reinstatement of embassies in Riyadh and Tehran marked a significant milestone in regional diplomacy, restoring ties severed after the 2016 attack on Saudi diplomatic offices in Iran. This rapprochement, echoing Iran’s re-established connections with the UAE in 2022, symbolised a transformative phase in Iran’s diplomatic relations, exemplified by the first-ever phone conversation between President Raisi and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman during the Gaza conflict. This Saudi-Iran détente has paved the way for dialogue with other regional actors like Bahrain and Egypt.

Iran’s diplomatic achievements transcended improving ties with neighbouring countries, extending to its elevation to full membership within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2022 and an invitation to join the BRICS bloc in 2024. Furthermore, Iran emerged as a key supporter of Syria’s readmission into the Arab League, promoting regional recognition after a decade of isolation.

Despite significant regional progress, the nuclear dispute with the United States reached an impasse during President Biden’s tenure, with no breakthroughs beyond the prisoner exchange and release of six billion dollars previously frozen in South Korea due to U.S. sanctions. However, this deadlock did not impede Raisi’s foreign policy agenda, as he skillfully employed diplomatic approaches from past governments, including asymmetric deterrence, regionalism, and the “Look East” policy. These strategies, rooted in Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s and Hassan Rouhani’s administrations, were crucial in reducing Iran’s isolation and reaffirming its central role in West Asia.

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Examining Raisi’s foreign policy trajectory reveals a strategic reliance on the diplomatic frameworks established by his predecessors rather than forging a new path to international relations. His tenure witnessed a revival of the “good neighbour” policy towards Gulf states, initially promulgated by President Hashemi Rafsanjani in the 1990s, and a reinvigoration of Ahmadinejad’s Latin American strategy, indicative of a continuation of traditional policies.

Engagement with India

President Ebrahim Raisi’s tenure witnessed a sustained commitment to strengthening Iran’s strategic partnership with India, albeit facing significant challenges. A pivotal area of cooperation remained the development of the Chabahar Port, which facilitated economic and strategic ties. The Raisi administration actively supported Indian investment and involvement in Chabahar. Concurrently, efforts were undertaken to bolster bilateral trade and economic cooperation, driven by India’s substantial energy needs and Iran’s interest in attracting Indian investment across sectors.

However, progress was hindered by the constraints imposed by US sanctions on Iran, particularly the difficulties in conducting financial transactions. Raisi suggested India could potentially adopt strategies akin to those of China, which has managed to maintain economic ties with Iran despite US sanctions.

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The geopolitical complexities influencing Iran-India relations extended beyond US pressure; regional players like China, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Israel also impacted these relations. Despite these multifaceted challenges, Raisi remained optimistic about the potential for cooperation, emphasising the importance of realistic strategies and leveraging existing capabilities. He recognised that while US sanctions posed hurdles, they were not insurmountable obstacles, and both nations could explore innovative approaches to sustain and deepen their economic partnership within the prevailing limitations.

“Butcher of Tehran” and a Hardliner on Domestic Front

A troubling record of human rights violations, authoritarianism, and the suppression of dissent taints President Ebrahim Raisi’s domestic legacy. During his tenure as the deputy prosecutor general of Tehran, Raisi participated in a controversial “death commission” that reportedly ordered the extrajudicial executions of thousands of political prisoners in 1988, earning him the notorious nickname “The Butcher of Tehran.”

His tenure has been marked by a systematic crackdown on civil liberties, exemplified by the empowerment of the morality police and the imposition of further restrictions on women and religious freedoms a year after assuming office. These regressive measures triggered unprecedented nationwide protests—the largest and most sustained in the history of the Islamic Republic—following the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022 while in the custody of the morality police.

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Repressive and heavy-handed tactics have characterised the Iranian government’s response to these demonstrations. Reports indicate that over 500 protesters have been killed, with hundreds more injured, disappeared, or imprisoned. Moreover, the Raisi administration has presided over a resurgence of executions, with 2022 witnessing a record number of state-sanctioned killings since 2015, according to findings by independent human rights organizations. Specifically, reports from the Norway-based Iran Human Rights (IHRNGO) and the Paris-based Together Against the Death Penalty (ECPM) documented an alarming 834 executions carried out by the Iranian regime last year.

Conclusion

Raisi’s death elicited mixed Iranian reactions, reflecting his complex legacy. While some appreciated his foreign policy gains, like Saudi rapprochement and admission to the SCO and BRICS, others condemned his domestic crackdown on dissent and human rights violations. Reformists saw his passing as an opportunity, while hardliners mourned the loss of a principled revolutionary leader. The conflicting responses underscore Iran’s sociopolitical divisions and the distinct character of politics in West Asia.

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Vijay Maidergi is a PhD Scholar in the Department of Politics and International Studies at Pondicherry University. Anmol Kumar is a Research Assistant for an ICSSR Project at Pondicherry University. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.

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