China’s vanishing generals: Inside the PLA’s crisis of command

Before examining the present state of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), one question remains intriguing: why did the Third Plenum of China’s Communist Party (CPC) never take place?

A Plenum is a crucial meeting for the Party. The Third Plenum was first scheduled in 2023, then postponed to July 2024, and finally did not happen.

In March 2024, Reuters commented: “Possible reasons for the delay include the party leadership’s confidence in the existing economic strategy and the desire to avoid discussing potential reforms that might challenge their control or involve difficult choices.”

It was a guess inspired by a report from the Mercator Institute for China Studies, which observed in 2024: “This question has occupied China watchers for months as the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) highest body, the 200-strong Central Committee, has yet failed to meet for the third plenary session of its 2022-2027 term. The CCP leadership has traditionally used the so-called Third Plenum to outline socio-economic and political reforms for the next five years—which is why the meeting had been highly anticipated and expected to take place before the National People’s Congress (NPC).”

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The think tank added: “For the first time in more than thirty years, the Third Plenum will occur outside the CCP’s established schedule, leaving the annual meeting of China’s legislature, the country’s highest state organ, with no explicit mandate to tackle reforms as economic challenges mount.”

At the time, many commentators concluded that Xi and his advisers “were uncertain about the direction in which to steer the country’s economy”. They believed that Xi was in a position of strength, which allowed him not to convene the Third Plenum. Retrospectively, it was a wrong assumption.

The Fourth Plenum

The Fourth Plenum has just concluded on October 23 in Beijing. It took up some of the economic issues that should help tackle the difficult economic situation; why it was postponed for nearly two years remains unclear.

A press release after the Plenum stated: “The plenary session stressed that it is necessary to do a good job in safety production and maintenance and stability, compact the responsibility for safe production, strictly implement various regulatory systems, and resolutely prevent and curb major accidents. Strengthen the whole-chain supervision of food and drug safety. In-depth investigation and resolution of contradictions and disputes, strengthen the overall prevention and control of public security, and crack down on all kinds of illegal crimes in accordance with the law. Strengthen public opinion guidance and effectively prevent and resolve ideological risks.”

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We shall not comment on this, though one can doubt whether it can be implemented.

The People’s Liberation Army

Now, let us return to the PLA. Here, the situation is truly bleak.

On the afternoon of October 17, Senior Col Zhang Xiaogang, spokesperson for China’s Ministry of National Defence, announced: “With the approval of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee and the Central Military Commission (CMC), the CMC’s Discipline Inspection Commission and Supervisory Commission have opened formal investigations into nine senior military officials.”

They included Politburo member and CMC Vice Chairman He Weidong; CMC member and Director of the Political Work Department Miao Hua; Executive Deputy Director of the Political Work Department He Hongjun; Executive Deputy Director of the Joint Operations Command Centre Wang Xiubin; and Commander of the Eastern Theatre Command Lin Xiangyang.

According to the spokesperson: “Investigations revealed that all nine officials had seriously violated Party discipline and were suspected of committing major duty-related crimes involving extremely large sums of money. Their actions were particularly egregious with profoundly negative impact. Consequently, the CCP Central Committee decided to expel all nine from the Party and transfer their cases to the military procuratorate for legal prosecution.”

What is strange is that all nine had been promoted to three-star generals by Xi Jinping himself, often jumping rank over senior officers.

He Weidong, Miao Hua, and Lin Xiangyang had previously served in the 31st Group Army, Xi’s former power base in Fujian. Why would Xi sack his own men? Has he lost control over the PLA? It is a valid but unanswered question.

Also, on October 17, The Epoch Times noted: “The purge of these Xi-aligned generals from both the Party and the military has sparked speculation among rival factions and Party elders, who may question Xi’s personnel decisions and his ability to control the armed forces. At the upcoming Fourth Plenary Session of the CCP 20th Party Congress, the vacant Central Committee seats are expected to be filled, offering observers a chance to assess whether Xi’s military authority remains secure or has been weakened.”

It happened only very partially.

India Is Also Concerned

On August 20, Xi Jinping, the Secretary of the Communist Party of China and CMC Chairman, landed at Lhasa Gonggar Airport to celebrate 60 years of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). China watchers examined the composition of the large delegation accompanying Xi from Beijing to decipher the visit.

Xi was accompanied by Wang Huning, No. 4 in the Party; Cai Qi, No. 5 and Director of the General Office of the Central Committee; Li Ganjie, head of the United Front Work Department; and Gen Zhang Shengmin, one of three remaining uniformed CMC members (incidentally, during the Fourth Plenum, Gen. Zhang was promoted CMC Vice Chairman).

Gen Zhang Shengmin led a group of officials to Lhoka, not far from the Indian border. He visited a Sangye (Buddha) Temple where he lectured the monks and lay officials present about the “three consciousnesses” (Personal, Party, and Law Consciousness), which means systematically promoting the Sinicisation of Tibetan Buddhism “by strengthening and innovating temple management, and preserving cultural relics”.

Also, during Xi’s Tibet visit, another surprise awaited Indian China-watchers: during the gala reception in the evening, Gen Zhao Zongqi, the architect of the Doklam confrontation (2017) and the eastern Ladakh Chinese intrusions in 2020, was seen in full uniform, seated in the row behind the top leader. Gen Zhao retired from the PLA in December 2020, when he was serving as Commander of the Western Theatre Command. In the past, Gen Zhao created havoc in Sino-Indian relations. Why was he invited? Probably to show India that the border issue is far from being settled, despite the recent high-level meetings.

Though not mentioned in the Fourth Plenum’s press release or the world media, it is important for India to note the disappearance of General Wang Haijiang, who had commanded the Western Theatre Command since August 2021. Earlier, Wang had a long career in Tibet and was leading the Chinese forces facing the Indian Army on the Tibet and Xinjiang fronts. He went missing on September 30, 2024. He has probably been purged.
Can you imagine in India, an army without commanders for its Eastern and Northern Commands? It is unthinkable.

Also, not seen since January 17, 2025, is Lt Gen Wang Kai, Commander of the PLA Tibet Military District (TMD). When Xi Jinping went to Lhasa, only the TMD’s Political Commissar, Lt Gen Yuan Honggang, was present.

On the ideological side, Lt Gen Yang Cheng, Political Commissar of the PLA Xinjiang Military District facing Ladakh and the Central Sector, has also been missing in action since January 24, 2025. The purge of these officers could be announced later, but the question remains: is Xi Jinping really controlling the PLA? One can doubt it.

At that time, these absences were already intriguing. Furthermore, these generals were not seen during the September 3 mega parade on Tiananmen Square. Though 89 generals (including four full generals, two lieutenant generals, and 83 major generals) leading 59 formations were announced for the parade, none appeared on September 3.

Purge After Purge

Nikkei in Tokyo wrote: “Amid his anti-corruption campaign, Xi has had no choice but to purge even close aides he himself had promoted with fanfare. There is no doubt that the military purge is the result of past personnel mistakes made by the Xi administration. How the vacant posts will be filled is a focal point in predicting the future balance of power within the military.”

As mentioned, the plenary session decided to add Zhang as the CMC Vice Chairman, but no replacements were named for at least three other members of the Commission — and no news has emerged of new commanders for the WTC and TMD.

Where are the generals? And more importantly, if China wants to fight battles — in Taiwan or elsewhere — can revolving generals, who have a constant sword hanging over their heads, lead their troops?

Will the energy and time that the generals spend preserving their futures (and their heads) help them seriously prepare for war? The answer is “no”.

The writer is Distinguished Fellow, Centre of Excellence for Himalayan Studies, Shiv Nadar Institution of Eminence (Delhi). Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.