 "Why is Erdogan being accused of a 'legal coup' in Turkey?")
Turkey is facing one of its most intense crises in recent memory as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government stand accused of using the judiciary to weaken the main opposition force, the Republican People’s Party (CHP).
This has resulted in widespread protests, a police lockdown of key opposition sites, and online restrictions, leading critics to claim that Erdoğan is attempting to dismantle Turkey’s democratic framework through what they describe as a “legal coup.”
At the centre of the storm are rulings that threaten the future of the CHP, a party founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the creator of modern Turkey, and the only political entity currently posing a significant challenge to Erdoğan’s more than two decades of rule.
What led to the recent protests in Turkey
The turmoil was set off by a decision from an Istanbul court last week, which retroactively annulled the 2023 appointment of the CHP’s provincial leadership in the city.
The ruling cited “irregularities” during the party’s internal elections, including accusations of cash payments influencing delegate selections.
As a result, the court announced that an interim delegation would be appointed to manage the CHP’s Istanbul branch. Former party lawmaker Gürsel Tekin, associated with the CHP’s older leadership faction, was selected to head this interim body.
This decision has far-reaching implications because Istanbul is not only Turkey’s largest city and economic hub — accounting for nearly one-third of the national GDP — but also a stronghold for the CHP.
The party’s victory there in recent local elections was a symbolic blow to Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP).
CHP chair Özgür Özel reacted strongly, calling the move an attempt to dismantle the opposition by judicial means.
Speaking to the Financial Times, he said, “They are trying to take over the party that won the last election, was the founding party of the Turkish republic, is the party leading every poll. We’re facing an authoritarian government and the only option is to resist.”
Özel went further, framing the crisis as an existential threat to Turkey’s democratic system: “If the CHP goes, Turkey will go too.”
CHP calls for mass mobilisation
Following the court’s announcement, the CHP leadership urged citizens to gather at the party’s Istanbul headquarters to protest.
By Sunday evening, police had erected barricades around the building and deployed large numbers of officers, including special forces units, effectively cutting off public access.
Özel described the blockade as a “siege” and accused the government of attempting to intimidate both the party and its supporters. Speaking at a rally, he appealed directly to the public:
“From here, I invite all democrats and CHP members whom my words and voice reach to, to protect the home of Atatürk in Istanbul,” he said, referring to the CHP’s historic role as the party of Turkey’s founder.
“Shame on those who have put our home under police siege, who brought police special forces to our Istanbul provincial headquarters … to those trying to cancel our Istanbul provincial congress via unauthorised courts and seat an appointee there.”
The CHP youth wing issued calls on social media for residents to converge on the headquarters late Sunday night, with another large-scale demonstration scheduled for early Monday morning.
How protests are being organised
In an effort to prevent escalation, the Istanbul governor’s office announced a three-day ban on public gatherings late Sunday.
Despite the order, hundreds of opposition supporters arrived near the party headquarters on Monday, openly defying the restrictions.
The protests turned tense as some demonstrators attempted to push past police barricades. Sporadic clashes broke out, and officers used pepper spray to disperse crowds, which included several CHP legislators.
Halk TV, a media outlet aligned with the opposition, reported on the use of force against demonstrators and confirmed that multiple protesters were temporarily detained.
As unrest spread, internet access was disrupted across Turkey. According to NetBlocks, a global internet monitoring organisation, several major platforms — including X, Instagram, YouTube, and WhatsApp — were restricted shortly after the CHP renewed its call for demonstrations.
Despite the heavy security presence, Gürsel Tekin arrived at the CHP provincial headquarters on Monday under police protection to formally assume his position as interim chair.
His appearance was met with loud boos and anger from party members and supporters, many of whom viewed his acceptance of the role as a betrayal.
Tekin, speaking to journalists, defended his actions and stated that his priority was to stabilise the party amid mounting legal challenges. “We will do everything in our power to put an end to the legal troubles our party has been subjected to in the court corridors,” he said.
How Ankara is defending itself
Turkish Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya publicly defended the court’s ruling and the appointment of Tekin. In a statement on X, he warned against efforts to resist the decision through mass mobilisation.
“Disregarding court rulings, trying to pour people out onto the streets is openly challenging the law. Nobody is above the laws,” Yerlikaya stated. “The state will do what is necessary against any illegal initiative with determination.”
The government maintains that Turkey’s judiciary operates independently and denies accusations of political interference.
However, the CHP rejects this narrative, describing the ongoing actions against its leadership as part of a coordinated effort to eliminate electoral threats to Erdoğan’s rule.
Why this unrest is not new in Turkey
The latest ruling is only the most recent chapter in what CHP members describe as a months-long campaign of legal attacks on their party.
Earlier this year, Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, a prominent CHP figure and Erdoğan’s most formidable rival, was arrested on corruption charges in March.
İmamoğlu’s detention triggered the largest street demonstrations in Turkey in more than a decade and rattled financial markets, causing a sharp drop in the value of Turkish assets.
As a political leader who had been seen as a likely challenger to Erdoğan in future national elections, İmamoğlu’s arrest marked a turning point.
Many of the cities now controlled by the CHP — including Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir — represent key power centres, both politically and economically.
The CHP has consistently denied all allegations of corruption against its members and argues that the arrests and legal cases are intended to weaken its growing influence following major electoral successes.
Why Erdogan is threatened by CHP
In last year’s local elections, the CHP secured nearly 38 per cent of the national vote, surpassing the AKP to become the leading party in terms of vote share.
This was a historic moment for Turkish politics, as the CHP has traditionally been the main opposition force rather than the dominant political power.
The shift was most evident in Istanbul, where the party’s control over the city symbolised a growing challenge to Erdoğan’s authority.
The city’s economic importance makes it a critical battleground: whoever governs Istanbul wields significant influence over Turkey’s financial and political future.
What next for the CHP
Beyond the Istanbul ruling, another crucial case is scheduled for September 15 in Ankara. This trial will examine the legitimacy of the CHP’s 2023 national congress, which elected Özgür Özel as party leader.
If the court rules against the CHP, it could result in Özel and other senior officials being removed and replaced with government-approved figures, effectively neutralising the party’s leadership.
In a worst-case scenario, it could even reinstate former party head Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, whose tenure was widely criticised for failing to mount a strong challenge to Erdoğan.
Özel has argued that lower courts lack the authority to rule on internal party elections, which he insists fall under the jurisdiction of higher judicial bodies. As such, the CHP does not recognise the Istanbul ruling and has vowed to contest it.
Özel also hinted at the possibility of using legal tactics against Erdoğan, including challenging past elections such as the 2017 referendum that transformed Turkey’s political system.
That referendum was controversial because Turkey’s electoral council decided to count unstamped ballots as valid unless proven fraudulent — a decision later criticised by international election observers, including those from the Council of Europe.
Özel has spoken of peaceful but highly disruptive actions aimed at forcing the government to reconsider its approach.
He suggested that crowds “not of millions but tens of millions” could mobilise across the country, though he declined to give specific details to prevent the government from anticipating the party’s strategy.
“The government staged a coup against the future ruling party,” Özel said. “Erdoğan is playing a dirty game, we can also play that game and respond to him with similar cunning.”
These protests, he explained, would be designed to bring “life to a standstill” in Turkey, signalling the seriousness of the CHP’s resistance.
Erdoğan’s endgame: A one-party state?
Opposition leaders believe Erdoğan’s broader strategy is to consolidate power by dismantling independent political entities and creating a system similar to Russia’s managed democracy, where nominal opposition parties exist but lack real influence.
“Erdoğan knows that he can’t win elections anymore. That is why he wants weak opposition parties, like in Russia,” Özel said, accusing Erdoğan of trying to eliminate any meaningful electoral competition.
The stakes are particularly high because current polling suggests the CHP could defeat the AKP in a fair election.
The political instability has already had tangible economic effects. Turkish financial markets reacted negatively to the court ruling, with assets falling as investors grew concerned about the potential for prolonged unrest.
As the September 15 ruling approaches, both sides are preparing for a decisive moment.
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