3 Indians abducted amid terror attacks in Mali: Was Al Qaeda-linked JNIM behind it?

Three Indian citizens have been taken hostage in western Mali following a terrorist assault that hit multiple locations in the region on July 1.

The attack occurred at the Diamond Cement Factory in Kayes, where a group of armed men entered the site and abducted the workers. According to India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), the victims were employees of the facility and were targeted during a deliberate and violent incursion.

In an official statement, the MEA said, “The incident occurred on July 1, when a group of armed assailants carried out a coordinated attack at the factory premises and forcibly took three Indian nationals as hostages.”

The Indian government has denounced the incident and urged Malian authorities to secure the immediate release of the hostages.

“The government of India unequivocally condemns this deplorable act of violence and calls upon the government of the Republic of Mali to take all necessary measures to secure the safe and expeditious release of the abducted Indian nationals,” the MEA said.

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Efforts are ongoing at multiple levels. The Indian Embassy in Bamako has been coordinating closely with local officials, police, and the management of the factory. Communication lines have also been established with the families of the abducted individuals.

“Senior officials of the ministry are closely monitoring the evolving situation and remain engaged at various levels to facilitate safe and early release of Indian nationals,” the MEA added.

It also advised all Indian nationals in Mali to maintain caution and remain in close contact with the embassy.

Was JNIM behind the abduction?

While no entity has formally claimed responsibility for the kidnapping of the Indian workers, the timing and context strongly suggest involvement of Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), a group affiliated with al-Qaeda.

On the same day as the factory incident, JNIM claimed responsibility for simultaneous assaults across several towns in Mali, including Kayes, Diboli, Sandere and other locations near the borders with Senegal and Mauritania.

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According to Mali’s armed forces, these attacks were part of a large-scale offensive involving multiple locations in the country’s western and central regions.

Army spokesperson Col. Souleymane Dembele, in a nationally broadcast statement, said, “The enemy suffered significant losses in every location where they engaged with the security and defence forces.” He added that the army recovered weapons, vehicles and motorcycles during the operation.

The armed forces reported repelling the attacks and “neutralising” more than 80 assailants. JNIM, for its part, said it had taken control of three army installations, describing the assault as “co-ordinated and high quality” in a social media post.

This coordinated campaign marked the third significant assault on the Malian military in a single month, following earlier attacks that targeted an army base and airport in Timbuktu on June 2 and another that resulted in the deaths of over 30 soldiers in central Mali.

What we know about the JNIM

JNIM, which emerged in 2017 through the unification of four Islamist factions, has become one of the most formidable armed networks in West Africa.

The group is led by Iyad ag Ghali, a Tuareg leader, and Amadou Koufa, a preacher from the Fulani community. Their shared leadership reflects the group’s strategy of tapping into diverse ethnic and regional dynamics to expand its influence.

Estimates from regional and Western intelligence sources place the group’s strength between 5,000 and 6,000 fighters. The group operates in a decentralised, franchise-style manner, tailoring its approach to local conditions and grievances.

In areas under its control, it enforces a strict Salafist interpretation of Islamic law, including bans on schooling, music and public celebrations. Dress codes and social restrictions are often imposed, and the group also levies taxes such as zakat on local communities to fund its activities.

In places like central and southern Mali, JNIM has reached arrangements with villages that allow it to establish de facto governance. These agreements often come with the promise of not attacking residents who comply with the group’s mandates.

Despite its affiliation with al-Qaeda, recent signs suggest some ideological repositioning within JNIM. Koufa, during an interview in October, made no mention of al-Qaeda, leading analysts to speculate about a possible shift in strategic orientation.

Moreover, when a rebel group led by Syrian figure Ahmed al-Sharaa overthrew the Assad regime in West Asia, JNIM congratulated the movement — indicating a possible openness to repositioning itself globally.

How violence has affected the Sahel

Mali has faced a deteriorating security environment since 2012, when a separatist rebellion in the north morphed into a jihadist insurgency. Over time, the violence spread to central Mali and into neighbouring countries like Burkina Faso and Niger.

The crisis has been exacerbated by the withdrawal of international forces, including France and the United Nations, and the rise of military regimes across the Sahel.

JNIM is now deeply embedded in regional instability. On May 11, its fighters stormed Djibo in northern Burkina Faso, launching an attack that killed over 100 individuals, including civilians, soldiers and paramilitaries.

The attackers also looted and burned government infrastructure, including a military camp, a police station, a medical centre and a local market. Videos later circulated showing the extent of the destruction.

The group also abducted civilians and soldiers, including women. According to The Washington Post, regional analysts have called JNIM the most well-armed militant outfit in West Africa, citing its estimated 6,000 fighters and expanding reach.

Héni Nsaibia of the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project remarked: “They’re creating a proto-state that stretches like a belt from western Mali all the way to the borderlands of Benin. … It is a substantial — even exponential — expansion.”

In Benin, JNIM reportedly killed 54 soldiers earlier this year near the border with Burkina Faso and Niger. On June 12, it claimed to have taken over a military post in Basso, located only a few miles from Nigeria’s border.

The Institute for the Study of War concluded that militants likely entered from Nigeria’s Kainji reserve, hinting at operational coordination with other regional extremist groups.

How the threat is growing across West Africa

The spillover of violence into relatively stable countries like Ghana, Senegal, Guinea and Togo is intensifying concerns. Togo recorded more terrorist attacks in 2024 than in any previous year.

Benin has reported nearly as many conflict-related deaths in the first quarter of 2025 as it did in all of 2024.

Ghana, though still untouched by direct attacks, is already being used as a transit and logistical base, according to West African officials.

US General Michael Langley, Commander of United States Africa Command, voiced serious concern about Islamist militant groups gaining access to West Africa’s coastline.

At a press conference in May, he said that recent assaults across the Sahel, Nigeria, and the Lake Chad Basin “were deeply troubling” and warned that a foothold on the coast would increase terrorist groups’ abilities to smuggle weapons and build financial networks.

ACLED data shows that since 2019, JNIM has been responsible for the deaths of over 5,800 civilians.

In many places where it consolidates control, the frequency of attacks on civilians drops — not because violence ceases, but because the group achieves a level of governance that quells resistance through coercion and fear.

While JNIM and the Islamic State-Sahel Province have turned the Sahel into the epicentre of global terrorism, the region’s governments are struggling to respond effectively.

Counterterrorism operations by state forces have often included abuses, particularly against the Fulani population, which in turn fuels recruitment by extremist groups.

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With inputs from agencies