 "Soldiers of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of China attend a training ahead of a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, August 20, 2025. File Image/Reuters")
China is preparing to host one of its largest military parades in recent years, immediately following the conclusion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin.
The back-to-back events are meant to showcase Beijing’s diplomatic reach and its ambitions to project influence globally.
The parade, set for Wednesday (September 3, 2025), commemorates the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II and is expected to feature tens of thousands of troops, advanced weaponry and a high-profile gathering of foreign leaders.
How the SCO Summit in Tianjin laid the groundwork
The SCO Summit 2025, held in Tianjin from August 30 to September 1, brought together the heads of state and representatives from the organisation’s ten full members — China, Russia, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and Belarus.
Founded in 2001 to promote regional security and cooperation, the SCO has since expanded to include observer states like Afghanistan and Mongolia, and dialogue partners including Turkey, Egypt, and several Southeast Asian nations.
This year’s summit featured Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian as key attendees.
Their presence highlighted the grouping’s centrality in Eurasian affairs at a time of shifting global alignments. Leaders from dialogue partner states also joined, such as Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly.
China extended invitations to non-member states from Southeast Asia as well. Delegations from Laos, Malaysia, and Vietnam participated, though Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto withdrew due to domestic protests.
Nearly two dozen other countries sent representatives, turning the Tianjin meeting into a platform that demonstrated Beijing’s ability to convene a wide range of partners.
The SCO’s annual presidency rotates among member states, and hosting the event allowed China to spotlight its leadership role.
Why China is holding a military parade
Known in China as the “Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression,” the conflict lasted from 1931 to 1945 and overlapped with the broader global war.
China’s struggle was the longest of any Allied power and one of the deadliest: a reported estimated of 35 million people were killed or wounded, with civilian populations enduring occupation, massacres and immense hardship.
Japan formally capitulated on September 2, 1945, when officials signed the Instrument of Surrender aboard the USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay.
The following day, September 3, was declared a holiday in China to celebrate victory. Since then, the date has carried enormous symbolic weight.
In 2014, China’s legislature enshrined September 3 as “Victory Day” and designated December 13 as a national day of remembrance for the Nanjing Massacre.
This year’s anniversary marks eight decades since the end of the war, a moment Beijing is seizing to link national memory with its modern aspirations.
Military parades on Victory Day have become a decadal tradition since 2015, featuring large-scale displays of weaponry and troops marching through the heart of the capital.
Who is attending the parade
The September 3 parade in Beijing is drawing a guest list that highlights Beijing’s alliances.
Chinese leader Xi Jinping will preside over the ceremonies from Tiananmen Square, flanked by several leaders whose countries face Western sanctions or strained ties with the United States.
Russian President Vladimir Putin will be one of the most prominent figures in attendance.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un is also expected, marking his first appearance alongside Xi in over six years.
Kim’s presence is notable not only because he did not attend the SCO Summit but also because it represents one of the rare occasions he has joined a gathering of world leaders since taking office in 2011.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian will be part of the lineup, reinforcing Tehran’s close ties with Beijing and Moscow.
Myanmar’s junta chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, is also travelling to Beijing, in a rare overseas trip since the 2021 military coup in his country.
Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, as well as leaders from Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are expected as well.
From Europe, attendance will be minimal. Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico are the only heads of state from the continent confirmed to participate.
Both leaders have taken positions favouring closer relations with Moscow and Beijing, with Fico openly opposing European sanctions against Russia and Vučić maintaining a balancing act between EU aspirations, and ties to Russia and China.
The United Nations will be represented by Undersecretary-General Li Junhua, a senior Chinese diplomat who previously served as Beijing’s ambassador to Italy, San Marino, and Myanmar.
Who is not staying for the event
Despite the wide participation in the SCO Summit, several leaders are not staying for the parade. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Turkish President Erdogan, and Egyptian Prime Minister Madbouly will leave China before the ceremony.
Egypt will instead send a lower-ranking official to represent the country.
Their absence highlights a pattern: many countries with ties to the West avoid attending Chinese military parades, wary of being associated with overt displays of military might.
Most Western nations have declined to participate altogether.
Their decision reflects ongoing tensions with Beijing, particularly over China’s support for Russia during its war in Ukraine, its growing defence industry, and its confrontational stance in global trade disputes.
What will be displayed at the military parade
The Chinese military parade will feature extensive demonstrations of Beijing’s defence capabilities.
State media reports suggest more than 100 aircraft will take part, alongside tanks, missile launchers, and other advanced systems developed by China’s domestic defence industry.
Tens of thousands of soldiers are expected to march in formation along Chang’an Avenue, the central boulevard running through Beijing.
Since the mid-2010s, China has used such parades to display new weapons to both domestic and international audiences. This year’s event is expected to highlight the progress of the People’s Liberation Army in areas such as missile technology, air defence, and modernisation of armored forces.
The parade also serves as a reminder of China’s long-term investment in developing indigenous defence systems as part of its broader push to become a global military power.
Why China’s military parade matters
In the lead-up to the anniversary, Chinese state media and government-linked institutions have highlighted China’s sacrifices during World War II while minimising the contributions of the United States, reported the Washington Post.
Publications affiliated with the Chinese Academy of History and other state-backed outlets have argued that US support was primarily self-serving, with one commentary stating, “The fundamental purpose of US ‘aid’ to China was to protect its own interests in China; it was by no means assistance based on an equal relationship.”
Another article from the Red Culture Institute claimed, “Even without U.S. aid … China would have a chance of winning [against Japan].”
Historians outside China, however, point out that American support was crucial to China’s wartime survival, particularly in the form of military supplies, logistical backing, and financial aid.
At the time, large swaths of Chinese territory were under Japanese occupation, and foreign assistance played a significant role in sustaining the war effort.
By framing itself as a central victor alongside the Soviet Union while downplaying Western involvement, China seeks to highlight its resilience and continuity in resisting outside dominance.
The timing of the parade coincides with heightened tensions between China and the United States. Trade frictions have escalated under US President Donald Trump’s administration, with tariffs and counter-tariffs straining economic ties.
Washington has criticised Beijing’s industrial policies, military expansion, and its position on global conflicts, particularly the war in Ukraine.
China, in turn, has portrayed itself as a stabilising force in contrast to what it characterises as Washington’s disruptive approach to international politics. Closer ties with Russia have accompanied rising anti-American sentiment in Chinese media and political rhetoric.
During a May visit to Moscow, Xi Jinping wrote in a Russian outlet that a “correct historical perspective” placed China and the Soviet Union at the centre of World War II victories in Asia and Europe, pointedly omitting references to the United States and Western allies.
The imagery of Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong-un together in Tiananmen Square — leaders of countries often described as isolated by the West — puts the spotlight on a deliberate alignment.
With inputs from agencies